Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 219
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 34
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 34
Full coverage of the day’s events on 22-07
New Hong Kong home affairs secretary Lau Kong-wah tight-lipped on why predecessor was ousted
Former DAB vice-chairman Lau pledged he would remain impartial when allocating resources at district level. Photo: Nora Tam
Hong Kong’s new Secretary for Home Affairs Lau Kong-wah was tight-lipped this morning about why predecessor Tsang Tak-sing was ousted, but said he had learnt “much valuable experience” from the former minister.
Lau took up the position after Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying announced he would replace Tsang in an unexpected and widely questioned cabinet reshuffle yesterday.
Arriving at government headquarters as the new home affairs secretary this morning, Lau said he was glad to have the trust of the central government and the chief executive.
He also said he had sought advice from Tsang immediately after his appointment.
Lau, formerly undersecretary for constitutional and mainland affairs, declined to comment on the reason for Tsang’s departure, or the suggestion Leung was not happy with Tsang’s work among youth.
“Many claims are circulated in the community and I would not comment on those,” he said. “But yesterday when I discussed with Tsang Tak-sing, I learnt much valuable experience from him.
“He also gave me some advice. So I hope to continue to do a good job in the aspect of home affairs,” Lau said, adding he would discuss policy directions with his bureau colleagues in future.
Tsang Tak-sing. Photo: Sam Tsang
Tsang, 65, said he was “glad to retire” yesterday when Leung announced he was replacing him and Secretary for the Civil Service Paul Tang Kwok-wai.
A source familiar with the shake-up said Beijing officials blamed Tsang for his “inadequate” work among Hong Kong’s youth that helped fuel last year’s Occupy protests.
Lau, also a former vice-chairman of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, this morning pledged he would remain impartial when allocating resources to community sectors at district level.
He said he would communicate with political parties and independent politicians with different backgrounds.
Lau’s former boss Raymond Tam Chi-yuen, Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs, said speculation on the reasons for the two ministers’ departure was “unnecessary” and he would fill the post of the undersecretary for his bureau, vacated by Lau, as soon as possible.
Tam, who previously worked under Tsang in the Home Affairs Bureau, praised his former boss as “amiable” and “conscientious”.
“We had a happy working relationship,” he said.
Do not destroy what Hong Kong holds most precious
THERE are some recent developments which, as they are foreign to the established beliefs and customs of Hong Kong, do not appear to the public to be right and proper. An invisible force seems to be manipulating these developments so as to carry out the will of the powers that be. Now Hong Kong, with its unique institutions and practices, is able to compete with other places and cities in the region. If the authorities, refusing to see reason, discard our beliefs and customs for political needs, Hong Kong will lose its competitive edge.
The governing council of the University of Hong Kong, for instance, has after much stalling and dickering agreed by vote to let the provost decide whether Johannes Chan Man-mun, former dean of the university's Faculty of Law, should be appointed as a pro-vice-chancellor. As far as the established practices of the university are concerned, it is very strange that a pro-vice-chancellor's appointment should be approved by the provost rather than by the vice-chancellor, especially as the other four pro-vice-chancellors have all been appointed, one after another, without the provost's approval. Why is it that Chan, who has already been recommended for appointment, must be treated differently from the others? No convincing explanation has been offered so far.
Many HKU alumni and members of society see in Chan's case the presence of political pressure, believing that the authorities are trying their best to prevent Chan from moving further up the university hierarchy because of his political stand, which is at odds with that of the authorities. There is widespread concern about whether or not the university's autonomy will be challenged and eroded away.
And then there is the case involving police superintendent Franklin Chu King-wai, who is alleged to have assaulted citizens with a baton. The Independent Police Complaints Council (IPCC), after watching the related video clips and thoroughly discussing the case, gave an "allegation of assault - substantiated" ruling by 12 votes to six. This means that the IPCC disagrees with the "abuse of power - substantiated" ruling made earlier by the Complaints Against Police Office (CAPO). CAPO then put forward a proposal, asking the IPCC to rule instead that the allegation of assault is "not fully substantiated", and that Chu's abuse of power is "substantiated other than reported". As the proposal represents a new point of view rather than new evidence, there is hardly any reason why the IPCC should reverse its decision. However, there are IPCC members who are calling for a second vote on the matter, and so things are hanging in the balance. There is widespread concern about whether or not the IPCC can maintain its independence and uphold its "allegation of assault - substantiated" ruling, which was given based on facts.
Hong Kong's political ecology is such that a lot of things are, unavoidably, tinged with political interests and considerations. However, if, to achieve their purposes, the authorities deviate from established norms and resort to other practices, society as a whole is likely to suffer, since the damage done may outweigh the benefits realised. In the case of the HKU pro-vice-chancellor appointment, if the will of the authorities prevails, the university, established more than one hundred years ago, will be shaken to its foundations, and university education in Hong Kong will suffer a significant regression. And if the IPCC submits to the "leadership" of CAPO, the public will lose confidence in a social mechanism designed to ensure equality, fairness, and justice. It is not advisable to sacrifice the city's established institutions and practices for the political needs of the moment.
規章制度是重要資產 勿為政治需要毁長城
近期一些事態發展，脫離了港人一般認知和經驗範圍，導致其公平合理性備受質疑。有關事態背後，隱約受一股看不見的力量推動，似乎要達至體現權力當局意志的結果。其實，香港有一套獨特規章制度，使香港與周邊地區和城市互相競爭。若權力當局不醒覺，為了政治需要而毁綱紀、棄倫常，香港的優勢將煙消雲散。
比如港大校務委員會幾經周折，就是否任命原法律學院院長陳文敏為副校長，得出交由首席副校長決定的表決結果。就港大而言，副校長任命由首席副校長決定，連校長也不能與聞，極其詭異；另外，其他4名副校長都已相繼任命，他們都毋須等待首席副校長決定，陳文敏已獲推薦的任命，為什麼需要特別處理，迄今未見讓人信服的解釋。
港大校友與不少社會人士以政治打壓解讀此事，認為陳文敏的政治立場與當局扞格，權力當局因而千方百計阻撓他在港大再上層樓。港大的自主性會否被衝擊和蛀蝕，備受關注。
至於警司朱經緯被投訴以警棍毆打市民，監警會按現場攝錄，各委員經過充分討論之後，以12：6通過「毆打投訴證明屬實」，即是不認同投訴警察課的「濫用職權證明屬實」調查結果。其後，投訴警察課提出新建議，要求監警會裁定警司「毆打無法完全證明屬實」及「濫用職權未經舉報但證明屬實」，不過那只屬新觀點，沒有新證據，理應難以改變監警會的表決結果，只是有委員提出重新表決，為事態隱伏變數。監警會能否保持獨立，維持根據事實而作出的「毆打投訴證明屬實」結論，備受關注。
現時本港的政治生態，許多事態若說可以不攙雜政治因素和考慮，並不切實際。只是，若權力當局為求達至目的，偏離機制甚而另闢蹊徑，對整體社會並非好事，因為造成的破壞或許得不償失。港大副校長任命，若權力當局得逞，則港大的百年基業就會動搖，對香港的大學教育是嚴重倒退；監警會若屈服於投訴警察課的「領導」，則維繫公平、公正、公義的社會機制，將使港人失去信心。為了一時一地的政治需要而禮崩樂壞並不值得。
Ousters pave way for CY headway
The ouster of two bureau chiefs is stunning. Even more shocking is that both sackings occurred on the same day.
Gone are secretary for home affairs Tsang Tak-sing and secretary for the civil service Paul Tang Kwok-wai. Replacing them are an undersecretary, Lau Kong-wah, and the customs commissioner, Clement Cheung Wan-ching.
While the reason for former development chief Mak Chai-kwong's stepping down three years ago was clearly related to a housing allowance scandal, the reasons for the latest resignations are far more obscure.
As usual, the public won't find any clues in the official statements.
Tang, at least, took the trouble to cite unforeseen family reasons for his abrupt departure, but Tsang didn't bother at all - merely saying he's glad to retire.
Obviously, their political demise is far from natural, otherwise Tsang's elder brother - Legislative Council president Jasper Tsang Yok-sing - wouldn't have said he was taken by surprise.
It's rumored in political circles that the ousters may be related to the Occupy Central protests, during which youngsters were active participants while groups of civil servants sympathized with the yellow camp.
As the home affairs minister in charge of district works, Tsang Tak- sing was blamed for not strengthening the government's influence among locals. Similarly, Tang was held responsible for the erratic steps taken by some civil servants.
How accurate is the speculation? The truth may never come out.
But it's well known in government circles that the home affairs boss didn't enjoy a good relationship with Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying.
For example, Tsang insisted on building a sports city at the former site of the airport at Kai Tak as planned - despite Leung's desire to use it for housing instead. In opposing CY's proposal, Tsang may have sowed the seeds of conflict.
Speculation that Tsang was sacked by Beijing is appealing to those fond of conspiracy theories. But why would Beijing take such drastic action against a total patriot who's red throughout?
On the other end, if Executive Council member Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee is right, Tang didn't enjoy a strong relationship with the civil servants. Their unions also said Tang didn't communicate with them regularly, and his remarks that the paternity leave for civil servants beat the private sector's angered some unionists.
However, speculation aside, what's certain is that with only two years left in Leung's current term of office, he's under enormous pressure to perform if he hopes to win re-election.
As he pledged to focus on livelihood issues for the duration, he's equally aware Beijing is most concerned about politics - not only the political reforms, but also patriotism among youths and a stable ruling force in the civil service.
If Leung can present a glowing report card on both fronts, he may be able to get a firm handshake from President Xi Jinping.
Is Leung Chun-ying getting his ducks in a row in an attempt to win a second term -- or merely rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic? Photo: Reuters
It seems that Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying may be losing support from his allies in Hong Kong and Beijing.
That would explain why he arranged for a cabinet reshuffle in an attempt to protect his job as Hong Kong’s leader in his remaining two years in office.
The sudden reshuffle came after Leung failed to get the government’s electoral reform package passed, a task that Beijing made clear was a major priority.
By making a point of shaking hands with Financial Secretary John Tsang Chun-wah recently, President Xi Jinping sparked rumours that Leung might soon be fired.
To protect himself, Leung had no choice but to remove two cabinet members, making them take the fall for failing to implement his policies.
There is a hint in the official transcript of Leung’s announcement published on the Hong Kong government website Tuesday.
He said: “The State Council, on my nomination and recommendation, today approved the appointment of Mr. Lau Kong-wah as the Secretary for Home Affairs and Mr. Clement Cheung Wan-ching as the Secretary for the Civil Service, as well as the removal of Mr. Tsang Tak-sing and Mr. Paul Tang Kwok-wai from their principal official posts …”
The key word is “removal”. [Editor’s note: In mainland China, “to remove (免去) someone from a post” is widely used in official government statements, no matter whether an official is sacked or resigns. The Hong Kong government website used “replace” in itsEnglish-language news release.]
In a separate statement later, Tsang merely said, “Now I am glad to retire.”
And Tang said his resignation was due to “unforeseeable family circumstances”.
Both statements by the outgoing officials clearly indicated they might not be quitting voluntarily.
In fact, it is rather unusual for the government not to arrange for the incoming and outgoing officials to be present at a news conference to announce such a reshuffle.
By contrast, when Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor’s announced the same afternoon the appointment of Duncan Pescod to replace Michael Lynch as chief executive of the West Kowloon Cultural District Authority, both men were present and spoke after she did.
Leung, however, had a stand-up speech prepared on the reshuffle but refused to give the reasons for it, leaving everyone to guess at the story behind the scenes.
Those not familiar with recent Hong Kong political history might find it hard to understand why Leung found it necessary to make the changes at a time when the government is busy dealing with livelihood issues such as lead-contaminated water in housing estates, as well as preparing for the upcoming district council elections in November.
But an examination of the history of Leung’s relationships with Tsang and Tang sheds light on the reasons for the ouster of the two ministers.
Political observers have noticed that while Tsang and Leung have been in the pro-Beijing camp for decades, Tsang, a former chief editor of a pro-Beijing newspaper, earned much more respect than Leung for his pro-Beijing credentials.
That may have been behind the not-so-friendly partnership between Tsang and Leung in the cabinet.
One example of that is Tsang’s refusal to scale down the development of the sports facilities at the Kai Tak Development to facilitate Leung’s ambition to build new homes.
Last month, most of the pro-Beijing lawmakers walked out from the Legislative Council and failed to cast their votes in support of the electoral reform package.
Some Beijing loyalists pointed the finger at Jasper Tsang Yok-sing, Legco’s president and elder brother of Tsang Tak-sing, for not handling the walkout well.
There is also speculation that Leung was unhappy with the younger Tsang for inadequately reining in the young people of Hong Kong (Tsang’s bureau has responsibility for youth affairs), leading to the disruptive Occupy campaign last year.
Is it any wonder that Leung is glad to part ways with Tsang — and perhaps the feeling is mutual?
As regards Tang, the chief executive would also have been unhappy with his perceived lack of cooperation.
To make it easier to implement his policies, Leung has tried to win the support from Hong Kong’s 180,000 civil servants by offering them incentives such as substantial pay raises.
But Tang refused to raise their salaries beyond the government’s established guidelines.
Beijing has also expressed its concern about civil servants lacking a patriotic mindset, as some of them were seen supporting the Occupy campaign.
The appointment of Cheung could herald a brainwashing campaign to achieve Beijing’s goal of getting civil servants to wholeheartedly embrace Communist Party rule.
But are these the real reasons for the reshuffle?
Beijing appears to have given Leung another opportunity to prove himself, by allowing him to complete his first five-year term, even though many speculate he may not win Beijing’s blessing for a second term.
Lau may have been appointed to head the Home Affairs Bureau to help the government implement more livelihood policies so that Leung can win the support of the grass roots.
Still, Leung, with his new cabinet, needs to show by his performance in the remainder of his term that he is the best person to rule Hong Kong.
Otherwise, he will have no chance for a second term.
Coconuts
CY announces two personnel changes with Lau Kong-wah promoted
Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying announced changes in the upper echelons of Hong Kong’s government on Tuesday, with two high-level officials leaving their posts.
Lau Kong-wah, undersecretary for the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, will be replacing Secretary for Home Affairs Tsang Tak-sing, who announced his retirement after eight years on the job.
Former Customs and Excise commissioner Clement Cheung Wan-ching will also be replacing Secretary for the Civil Service Paul Tang Kwok-wai, who cited family circumstances for his resignation after just three years at his post.
Lau Kong-wah. Photo: Apple Daily.
In his statement, Leung commended Tsang and Tang for their work. Leung said that Lau would excel at the new post given his work experience at the district level. Leung added that there will be no mass exodus of officials and his cabinet has been consistent for the past three years.
Clement Cheung Wan-ching. Photo: Apple Daily.
Lau Kong-wah, 58, entered the government in 2012 after losing his seat in the Legislative Council. As undersecretary for the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Lau promoted the controversial political reform package for the 2017 chief executive elections, which was voted down in LegCo last month.
Clement Cheung, 53, entered the civil service in 1983. Cheung previously headed the Hong Kong Economic Trade Office in Singapore and Hong Kong Post Office.
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