Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 199
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 14
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 14
Full coverage of the day’s events on 02-07
Beijing passes sweeping national security law, but legislation ‘will not be directly implemented in Hong Kong’
UPDATE
China’s legislature on Wednesday passed a sweeping and controversial national security law that covers a wide range of state interests including its military actions overseas, but stokes fears of greater limits on citizens’ freedom.
July 1 march
The annual July 1 march in Hong Kong marks the handover of the British colony to Beijing that took place in 1997. The peaceful demonstration has become a rallying point for pro-democracy activists. The march captured the public's attention in 2003, when half a million marched, angered by proposed national security legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law.
Hong Kong people should give up infighting
YESTERDAY (July 1) Hong Kong celebrated the 18th anniversary of its return to Chinese sovereignty. Citizens chose to mark the anniversary by engaging in different activities as they had done over the years. This year, however, as the government's constitutional reform proposal was defeated not long ago in the Legislative Council, society is deeply embroiled in internal arguments, confrontations and rifts, and the overall atmosphere is gloomier than in the previous years. In fact, in the wake of the fight over constitutional reform over the past two years, how "one country, two systems" should be pursued in future is a question the central government, the SAR government and the Hong Kong people have to consider.
On the first of July 18 years ago, when Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty, Hong Kong people, despite their "wait-and-see" attitude, were looking forward to "one country, two systems". They believed that, if the special policies were implemented in such a way that "Hong Kong would enjoy a high degree of autonomy" and "Hong Kong people could run Hong Kong", they would be their own masters, and the city would remain prosperous and stable. One may say that, back then, Hong Kong people were generally optimistic about their future. No matter what the Beijing authorities' considerations might have been, they did implement "one country, two systems" and, in the seven years when Tung Chee-hwa was Chief Executive, did refrain from meddling in Hong Kong's internal affairs. That is a fact acknowledged not only by Hong Kong's opposition camp but also by the international community. That year Jiang Zemin, who was then Chinese President, officiated at the handover ceremony. The next year he visited Hong Kong again and interacted with some Hong Kong citizens at a Ma On Shan shopping mall. That evidenced not only Chinese leaders' joy at Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereignty but also Beijing's trust in Hong Kong people.
However, looking back on what has happened over the past eighteen years, we have to say the road Hong Kong has treaded is far from smooth. In fact, it is tortuous and bumpy. It was not just the Asian financial crisis and the burst of the dot-com bubble (which hit Hong Kong soon after the handover) and the SARS outbreak (which hit Hong Kong in 2003) that caused havoc in the city economically and financially. Because of political bickering, which has become more and more vitriolic and rendered society in constant internal strife, our city is falling behind in every area. The controversy over constitutional reform over the past two years has, in particular, led to political struggles rarely seen before. Infighting between Hong Kong citizens and struggles between the government and the people have caused bitterness in society, giving rise to internal divisions and even separatist ideas.
What is most worrying about what has happened in Hong Kong is that people are so bent on struggles that society has lost its problem-solving ability. This has been manifest in the constitutional reform and the management of Hong Kong's internal affairs and mainland-Hong Kong contradictions. Generally speaking, such a situation has to do with "one country, two systems". Problems have emerged and remained. Does that show an "error-correction mechanism" is needed in "one country, two systems" that would allow people to reach a new consensus in accordance with established procedures? This question merits our attention and thought. Conceivably, in the "post-constitutional reform" era, Beijing will have a comprehensive review of the situation in Hong Kong and formulate a new policy to serve Hong Kong's interests and needs. It is hoped that Hong Kong people will give up infighting, regain their pragmatism and engage in dialogue with Beijing so that Hong Kong people will see hopes and know the way they should go.
期望鬥爭路線淡出 回歸務實處理港務
昨日（1日）是香港回歸18周年，正如歷年七一回歸日一樣，市民選擇參與不同活動體待這一日。今年因為立法會否決政改方案未幾，社會分化、對峙、撕裂仍未退潮，與往年相比，整體社會氛圍顯得較低沉。事實上，歷經過去兩年環繞政改的鬥爭，「一國兩制」怎樣踐行下去，是包括中央、特區政府與全體港人在內需要思考的問題。
18年前的7月1日，香港回歸伊始，港人對如何落實一國兩制有所憧憬；雖然抱着走着瞧心態，但是一系列特殊方針政策若貫徹落實，做到「港人治港、高度自治」，則港人可以當家作主並使香港繼續繁榮穩定，可以說當時港人整體對前景較樂觀。北京對在港實施一國兩制，無論當時有什麼想法，但是北京不干預香港內部事務，在董建華當特首的7年期間確實做到了，獲得本地反對陣營甚至國際社會肯定。時任國家主席江澤民來港主持回歸儀式之後，翌年在訪問行程中曾在馬鞍山一個商場與港人短距離接觸；這個動作，不單顯示領導人對香港回歸的喜悅，也說明北京對港人的信任。
可是，回顧18年以來，香港走過的路並非坦途，而是曲折的坎坷路。這不單是回歸伊始即遇上亞洲金融風暴、科網股爆破，以至2003年SARS來襲，使香港在經濟和財政層面剝了幾層皮，而在政治爭拗也是愈趨激烈，社會持續內耗空轉，導致各方面發展滯後。特別是過去兩年的政改爭議，出現罕有的政治鬥爭局面，港人內鬥與官民互鬥，社會充斥戾氣，萌生了分裂，甚至港獨思潮。
香港事態發展最讓人憂慮之處，是各方只知埋首鬥爭，使社會失去了解決問題的能力；這在政改一役、在香港內部治理、在處理內地與香港的矛盾等方面，都顯露出來。這種狀况，廣義而言都與一國兩制有關，而問題的冒出與存在，是否顯示一國兩制缺乏「糾錯機制」，讓各方在既定程序內建立新共識，是值得注意和思考的問題。在「後政改」時期，相信北京會全面檢視香港情况研議對策，從香港利益和所需出發，樂見港人從鬥爭路線淡出，回歸務實思維，期望與北京有商有量，讓香港重新看到發展的方向和希望。
Andy Tsang (inset) is in line to receive the Gold Bauhinia Star, sparking fresh controversy because of his handling of last year's democracy protests. Photos: Bloomberg, CNSA
Controversial former police chief to receive top HK honors
Former police chief Andy Tsang is again courting controversy after it was announced he is in line to receive a Gold Bauhinia Star, the second highest rank on Hong Kong’s honors list.
Tsang retired in May under a cloud for ordering the use of tear gas and pepper spray on demonstrators in last year’s democracy protests.
RTHK is reporting that Tsang is on the honors list announced by the government at a July 1 handover anniversary celebration on Wednesday.
The honors, created in 1997 to replace the colonial British honors system, will be awarded at a separate ceremony.
“I am very frustrated that Tsang is going to receive the award,” a July 1 marcher, surnamed Yu, was quoted as saying by Apple Daily.
“Does it mean that his order to use tear gas on protesters is right?”
During the 79-day street occupation, seven police officers were caught on a news camera beating a protester in a dark corner.
They are the subject of a formal complaint but they continue to receive salaries and benefits from the police force, he said.
He accused the police of bias in the arrest and detention of some pro-democracy protesters while secretly letting off pro-Beijing loyalists.
Several other senior officers involved in suppressing protesters are also due to receive honors.
In all, 60 people from the disciplinary forces will receive awards, including former police deputy commissioner Alfred Ma, assistant commissioner (operations) Cheung Tak-keung and chief superintendent Danko Au Yeung.
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