Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 203
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 18
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 18
Full coverage of the day’s events on 06-07
Radical politics abhorred by citizens
THE July 1 mass demonstration this year attracted the third lowest turnout ever. The Civil Human Rights Front, which organised the march, and some pan-democrats have spoken with one voice, attributing the poor turnout to citizens' fatigue brought on by too many political activities recently, adding that there are no burning issues at the moment that would have galvanised citizens into taking to the streets. All this might explain, or partly explain, the poor turnout. However, as such theories are not supported by any solid evidence or statistics, we can only take them with a pinch of salt. Furthermore, both the Civil Human Rights Front and society as a whole have to answer one question: Were there any other reasons that caused the sharp decline in participation? Over the past two years, the pan-democrats have taken a radical approach to the constitutional reform issue. They even started the illegal Occupy movement. Has this scared off citizens who are moderate and pragmatic, making them unwilling to join this year's march? This is something worthy of our discussion.
Over the past two years, the pan-democrats have been operating an intensive, large-scale campaign to mobilise public opinion. The Occupy movement, which dragged on for 79 days, happened on a scale unseen for more than 30 years. Then the constitutional reform proposal was defeated in the Legislative Council. The pan-democrats regard all this as a victory for themselves. High-spirited, they even claim that the result will give Hong Kong a great future. Had the pan-democrats and their supporters been in such jubilant mood, the July 1 march would have been a victory parade, and these people would have been filled with joy and busy preparing themselves for the next challenge in their quest for democracy. The Civil Human Rights Front had expected, quite understandably, that people would participate in the march with enthusiasm. The poor turnout has not only showed their misjudgment but also called into question their ability to lead the quest for democracy, since they have made a bad job of understanding the sentiments of their supporters.
Politics in Hong Kong society was always dominated by the middle-of-the-roaders, with the opposite ends of the spectrum remaining on the fringes. This round of constitutional reform, however, has seen the dominance of the far left and far right, while the opinions of those who have moderate, pragmatic politics have gone unheeded. Hong Kong society was always civilised and rational. But over the past two years, what has happened in politics is abnormal to the core. This year's July 1 march, for example, featured a call to amend the Basic Law as one of its themes, a glaring example of extremism and ignorance on the part of the organisers.
There has been a lot of discussion recently about the possibility of the third way in Hong Kong politics, which should offer an alternative to the far left and far right. We are convinced that the third way should exist and be allowed to thrive. In fact, middle-of-the-road politics always played a dominant role in the past. Over the past two years, Hong Kong politics has been dominated by the far left and far right. The situation is abnormal, and should be put right sooner or later. The third way, in fact, offers something of which we can reap a harvest. If it is the case that the poor turnout of this year's July 1 march was due to moderate and pragmatic citizens' refusal to join it, that is a good sign: our society is beginning to take stock of what has happened over the past two years, which is so abnormal. As long as we believe that civilised, rational, moderate and pragmatic politics is here to stay and its supporters are the mainstay of society, the third way will be the wide road that leads Hong Kong back to normality.
政治偏激嚇怕市民 第三條路等待收割
今年七一遊行，參加人數是歷來第三低，主辦團體民間人權陣線和部分泛民人士同一口徑，主要認為連串政治運動，市民有點累了，而且沒有即時議題激發市民上街，等等。這些說法或許是原因或原因之一，因為沒有實質研究或數據支持，只能姑妄言之、姑妄聽之。然而，是否還有其他因素導致遊行人數大跌？民陣以至整體社會都不應該迴避。例如過去兩年，泛民就政改取態偏激，更發起了一場非法佔領行動，會否警惕了取態溫和務實的市民，因而對遊行卻步？這是值得討論的話題。
過去兩年，泛民就政改的動員廣泛而深入，歷時79日的佔領行動更是30多年來僅見，最終立法會否決政改方案；如此種種，泛民將否決結果操作為勝利，豪言壯語地說香港將有美好的明天。在這種氛圍下，七一遊行應該被視為勝利大遊行，泛民與支持者分享喜悅，並為接下來的民主運動做鋪墊。因此，民陣原本以為市民會踴躍參加遊行，是完全合乎邏輯的預期。現在遊行人數大減，一方面反映民陣誤判情勢，而他們對泛民支持者的真正想法，有如斯巨大落差，對於他們領導民主運動的能力，要打一個問號。
香港社會的政治光譜，歷來都是中間溫和務實佔大多數，極左和極右僅各佔兩端。不過，今次政改發展歷程，極左和極右竟然佔居主導，溫和務實力量被擠壓得靠邊站，對於一貫崇尚文明理性的香港社會，過去兩年的政治生態極不正常。以今次遊行主題為例，包括提出修改《基本法》，暴露主辦團體的偏激無知，或許使不少人因而卻步。
近日，不少意見探討政治生態的中間第三條路，其屬性有別於極左與極右的政治路線。政治上，中間第三條路肯定應該出現，也有空間讓它生存和發展。事實上，原本的政治光譜，一直是中間最大，過去兩年由極左與極右主導的格局，屬於畸形情况；事物不正常，總要回歸正常，第三條路實際上正在等待人們收割。七一遊行人數大減，若溫和務實市民卻步是原因之一，其啟迪就是社會開始對過去兩年的不正常狀况進行反思和調整。只要相信文明理性、溫和務實的理念不會消亡，秉持這個理念的人仍然是社會的中堅力量，則政治上的第三條路就是康莊大道，也是使香港重回正軌的道路。
PLA Hong Kong garrison invited the public and the media to witness a live-fire drill for the first time, fueling speculation about the motive. Photo: CNSA
What’s the message behind PLA’s latest live-fire drill?
The People’s Liberation Army Hong Kong garrison conducted a live-fire drill over the weekend, with the public and the media invited to watch the event for the first time.
As such exercises by the Chinese military were held away from public gaze in previous years, the move Saturday marked an important break from the past. And, not surprisingly, it has fueled intense speculation as to what could be behind the new strategy.
PLA officials said they threw the event open to the public as part of efforts to improve the military’s transparency amid Hong Kong’s handover anniversary celebrations.
The event was not aimed at any imaginary enemy, though it should assure Hongkongers that the city is guarded by a mighty force, the military said.
While the explanation seems strait-forward, political observers feel that Beijing may have used the live-fire drill to send a message to Hong Kong people and the media.
Coming just days after China adopted a new national security law, the show of military power was intended to remind people where Hong Kong’s sovereignty lies.
Observers also noted that the drill was held barely two weeks after Hong Kong’s pan-democrats voted down Beijing-designed electoral reform package for the 2017 chief executive election.
In the drill Saturday, which was held at the Tsing Shan shooting range in New Territories, soldiers using armored vehicles, anti-tank rockets and gunships carried out simulation exercises defending purported militant attacks in a mountainous area.
Several dignitaries, including Beijing’s Liaison Office Director Zhang Xiaoming and Hong Kong’s Security Secretary Lai Tung-kwok, witnessed the military exercise along with hundreds of people.
What was interesting was that the PLA also invited journalists from anti-Beijing media outlets to witness the live-fire drill.
It could be a sign that the central government is tweaking its media strategy, shedding its knee-jerk animosity toward organizations such as Next Media that have been vocal supporters of the democracy movement.
Through publications such as Next Magazine and Apple Daily, Next Media has been playing an active role in mobilizing Hong Kong people to stand up for their rights. And group founder Jimmy Lai has made huge donations to pan-democrats, giving Beijing an excuse to boycott his publications and urging enterprises not to place advertisements in his papers.
But after the failed electoral reforms vote in the Legislative Council last month, which came amid a walkout goof-up by 33 pro-Beijing lawmakers, Beijing seems to be fine-tuning its strategy towards opposition media.
Apple Daily and Next Magazine were invited to the Central government liaison office in late June to attend a gathering between Beijing officials and pro-Beijing loyalists.
It marked the first time in recent times that Next Media was formally invited by Chinese authorities for an official press conference. And Apple Daily was also invited for the latest PLA live-fire drill, along with the rest of the media.
The initiative suggests that Chinese officials may be seeking to repair relations with Next Media in order to win the support of its readers, rather than take a hostile approach which has proved a failure.
That said, the softer approach toward anti-Beijing voices does not mean that Beijing has budged from its tough stance on the sovereignty issue.
Some political analysts believe the live-fire drill was aimed at sending a message to the so-called Hong Kong independence activists. The Communist Party has been criticizing the activists as separatists and insisting that their campaigns should be nipped in the bud.
Overall, the military drill and the new national security law — which covers a wide range of state interests — make it clear that Beijing is determined to assert its control over Hong Kong.
Chinese authorities have said that Hong Kong should enact some legislation of its own to protect national security, in line with Beijing’s move.
It stems from a desire to align the laws and processes in Hong Kong closer to those in the mainland.
As Beijing takes a more proactive role and tightens its grip over local affairs, Hong Kong people might discover that the “one country, two systems” could be under threat much sooner than 2047, when the existing arrangement is officially set to expire.
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