Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 194
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 10
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 10
Full coverage of the day’s events on 28-06
New cooperative relationship
NO sooner had the Legislative Council (Legco) thrown the government's constitutional reform package out than Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying said he was acutely disappointed. However, he also called on people to become agreed on matters concerning society, the economy and citizens' lives and work hard together for the sake of Hong Kong's future. Unless people respond favourably to his appeal and, in particular, unless the pan-democratic legislators change their ways and stop trying to paralyse the administration in the legislative chamber, his wish will prove a fond dream.
Having seen society torn apart by constitutional-reform controversy, Hong Kong does need to try hard to catch up with its neighbours in such areas as the economy and people's lives. It has lagged behind them. None would object to such refocusing. And, in the "post-constitutional reform" era, whether it is possible for Hong Kong to make much progress in matters other than those concerning the constitutional system hinges very much on whether the legislature will again operate normally.
The pan-democratic legislators did declare a non-cooperation fight. They have yet to say it has ended. Perhaps they think "the fact that they refrain from mentioning it means it is over". But they did threaten to paralyse the administration. How can they be allowed to prevaricate? They ought to make a declaration about this, or the public will consider their strategy of bringing the administration down to remain in force. Leung's idea of a "new cooperative relationship" has left the pan-democratic legislators cold. That perhaps shows they have not actually abandoned their non-cooperation fight. This is why it hinges on their attitude whether the administration can pursue Leung's key "post-constitutional reform" policies as he wishes.
Nevertheless, the administration must try to make progress whatever the pan-democratic legislators may plan to do. It should not boast about its achievements. It is more important to foster development. Over the past few years, as the global economy has been in poor shape, Hong Kong has been faced with dire challenges in fostering its economic growth. Hong Kong's economy is forecast in this year's Budget to grow only 1% to 3%. If economic stagnation becomes an aspect of the new normalcy, things will be unfavourable for promoting social progress and improving citizens' lives. Therefore, the administration should focus on bringing about new industries that may serve as new locomotives of economic growth.
Moreover, Leung will achieve an unparalleled success if, in the next two years, he and his officials do away with what fetters land use. Many of Hong Kong's deep-rooted contradictions have to do with land. If land supply is ample and the government has control of it, society as a whole will have hope of becoming free from restraints. Then, it will be less difficult for people to buy their own homes, rents will not be as high as they are now, and what threatens businesses' survival and growth will ease. In the next two years, the administration should carry out its plans to reclaim land from the sea and make it possible to zone a small portion of country-park land for development. It must seek to make progress on the two fronts. It will achieve a remarkable success even if it only makes such a start as to allow its successor to carry on with its projects. It remains to be seen whether Leung can achieve this together with his officials.
朝野形成新合作關係 經濟民生才有望改善
立法會否決政改方案之後，特首梁振英除了表達極度失望之外，呼籲各方放下爭拗，在各個社會、經濟和民生議題上凝聚共識，共同為香港前途努力。梁振英的呼籲必須得到各方配合，特別是泛民議員改弦更張，不再在議會癱瘓政府施政才有可能達至，否則梁振英的希冀只會淪為主觀良好願望而已。
在歷經政改爭議而使社會撕裂之後，香港確實需要致力在社會經濟民生領域事務，追回與鄰近地區、國家相比已經較滯後的情况。這個重點轉移不會有人持異議，而「後政改」時期，本港在政制以外事務，能否取得較大發展，議會是否回復正常運作，十分關鍵。
泛民議員宣示過的不合作抗爭，迄今未見宣布已經結束。或許他們認為「不再提起就是沒有了」，但是曾經表明要癱瘓政府，怎麼可能含含糊糊就過關呢？泛民議員必須就此有明確宣示，否則他們在議會內鬥倒政府的策略，公衆會認為仍然有效。梁振英提出「新的合作關係」，泛民議員冷待，或許此乃反映出他們不放棄不合作抗爭的真實一面。梁振英的「後政改」施政重點能否如願，泛民議員起着關鍵作用，其理在此。
不過，無論泛民議員有什麼盤算，施政總要向前行。既有成績不應該炫耀，未來開拓發展更重要。過去幾年因為全球經濟不景，本港經濟增長面對嚴峻挑戰，本年度財政預算案預期增長只有1%至3%，若經濟低迷成為新常態，則在推進社會建設、改善民生方面會帶來不利影響。因此開創新產業，成為經濟增長的新火車頭，應該是未來施政重點。
另外，未來兩年，梁振英若能統率政府解開土地使用桎梏，那將是莫大政績。本港許多深層次矛盾都與土地有關，若有足夠土地供應，而且由政府主導，則整體社會有望鬆綁，屆時置業難、租金高昂、各行百業生存發展受窒礙等狀况都可獲紓緩。未來兩年，政府在填海造地、劃出少許郊野公園土地供各方面發展之用，只要這兩項取得進展，即使只是開了頭，有空間讓下屆政府跟進，也算是顯著成就。且看梁振英能否率同政府交出這項成績。
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