村山富巿談話精神 Spirit of Murayama Statement

Spirit of Murayama Statement


THIS ISSUE of Ming Pao includes an interview with former Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama. To reporters from Hong Kong, the nonagenarian statesman again talked about how Japan ought to look at wars of aggression. He was at the helm of the government in the mid-1990s. In 1995, the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II (WWII), he made the Murayama Statement (about historical issues) in his capacity as prime minister. In it he expressed feeling of "deep remorse" and offered a "heartfelt apology" for Japan's colonial rule and acts of aggression. China, South Korea and other countries then expected the spirit of the Murayama Statement to become the principle by which and the standpoint from which Japan would look at history.

It has been the case that whatever Japan says or does upsets its neighbours it once invaded or colonised. The reason is that Japan has never sincerely apologised to them since WWII ended. In particular, the Liberal Democratic administration has repeatedly put off doing so on various excuses. Japan is worlds apart in attitude from Germany, another country that co-started WWII.

This week Shinzo Abe is to deliver a speech to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of WWII. It has been reported in the Japanese media that, according to a think tank's report, while Abe will touch upon "aggression" and "introspection", he may not expressly offer a heartfelt apology as Murayama did. Not until Abe makes his speech can one ascertain whether this is true. However, all the indications are that it is a real possibility that he will not mention "apology". In an article which appeared last week in the Japanese media, Yasuhiro Nakasone (who was Japanese prime minister in the 1980s) said the war Japan had waged was "a war of aggression" and "a wrong war", adding that Japan could not gain the trust of its neighbours unless it condemned the war. Nakasone put forward the idea of the "final settlement of post-war politics", which is regarded as symbolising the rise of the rightwing ideological trend in Japan. Now he has made those remarks, his stance is doubtless much more positive now than it was. Still, what he has said is less than apologetic and falls short of the Murayama Statement.

Now ninety-seven, Nakasone is one of the few spiritual leaders of the Liberal Democratic Party that still live. He is of great seniority. When he first became prime minister in 1982, Shintaro Abe, Shinzo Abe's father, was a member of his cabinet and served as foreign minister. Therefore, Nakasone's article in the Japanese media may be regarded as indicative of a mainstream stance prevalent among Liberal Democrats. If this is the case, one may think it much less likely for the speech Shinzo Abe is to make this week to be in line with the Murayama Statement.

The Murayama Statement embodies the principles the Japanese government is expected to follow in looking at the war. Abe and his administration ought to acknowledge Japan's acts of aggression, express contrition for them and sincerely apologise for them in its spirit. Only if they do so can Japan walk out of history and turn a new leaf and will Asian countries have true peace and true common development. If Abe insists on following the wrong way of armament instead of the right way of pacifism, Japan must not blame other Asian countries for its estrangement from them. Since the brief encounter between Xi Jinping and Abe at last year's APEC summit in Beijing, the Chinese government seems to have adjusted its attitude towards Japan. But Abe's attitude has become even worse. That has poured cold water on its hopes. That is why Foreign Minister Wang Yi said last week he had "never heard of" Abe's plan to visit China. It is therefore clear that Beijing no longer pins high hopes on Abe's speech to mark the end of WWII. The Chinese authorities must stand firm in the face of Japan. Only if they do so can they think without a qualm of the 35 million Chinese people killed or injured in Japan's war of aggression against China.



村山富巿談話精神 日本政府必須貫徹

《明報》今天報道了日本前首相村山富巿的訪問，這位耄耋的政治家，對來自香港的記者，再次談到日本對侵略戰爭的應有態度。村山富巿於1990年代中葉執政，1995年二戰結束50周年，他以在任首相身分發表被稱為「村山談話」對歷史問題的講話。村山富巿在該次講話中，明確指出日本對殖民統治及侵略表示深刻反省與由衷歉意。包括中國與韓國在內的國家則期許「村山談話」的精神，成為以後日本政府對待歷史的原則和立場。

日本的一舉一動，令曾被其殖民統治及侵略的鄰國不安，這是由於日本戰後仍未見真誠致歉。尤其是自民黨政府，一再拖拉推搪，與另一發動二戰國家德國相比是天淵之別。
安倍晉三將於本周發表有關戰後70年講話，日本傳媒報道，根據智囊組織提交的報告，安倍晉三可能只提「侵略」及「反省」，而不會像「村山談話」那樣明確表示由衷道歉。事實是否如此，須待安倍晉三當日發表講話才能確認，然而從種種迹象看來，不提致歉的這一可能性確實存在。1980年代擔任首相的中曾根康弘，上周在日本媒體撰文表示，「日本過去發動的是一場侵略戰爭，也是一場錯誤的戰爭」，呼籲如果日本不否定這場戰爭，就不可能獲得亞洲人民的信任。中曾根康弘1980年代提出「戰後政治總決算」，被認為是日本右翼思潮抬頭的象徵，如今他說出這番話，態度無疑較前積極得多，但未見道歉姿態，與「村山談話」仍有距離。

中曾根康弘今年97歲，是自民黨碩果僅存的精神領袖，輩分極高，1982年初度拜相，安倍晉三的父親安倍晉太郎就是其內閣的外相。因此，中曾根康弘在日本媒體的文章，可被視為自民黨內部的其中一種主流態度。若是如此，期待安倍晉三在本周的講話追隨「村山談話」的機會因而大減。

「村山談話」是各國對日本政府就戰爭態度的期許原則，安倍晉三以及日本政府必須追隨「村山談話」的精神，承認及反省侵略，對此表示衷心致歉，始可從歷史當中走出新生，亞洲各國才能真正享受和平歲月，共同發展。倘若安倍晉三不走和平主義大路而偏要走整軍歪路，那就不能怪亞洲各國從此遠離日本。去年北京亞太經合組織（APEC）峰會習近平與安倍晉三短暫會面後，中國政府對日本的態度似有調整，可是如今安倍晉三的變本加厲取態則是當頭一盆冷水，因此外長王毅上周對「安倍訪華」之說表示「沒有聽過」，顯示北京對安倍晉三的二戰結束講話不存巨大寄望。對於日本，中國當局必須腰板挺直，始能對得起在日本侵華中死傷的3500萬同胞。