POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 67 (24-08-2015)

Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.

Umbrella Movement

The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.

Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.

Hong Kong reform vote

The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 252

POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 67 (24-08-2015)

Full coverage of the day’s events  

  Coconuts HongKong   HKFrontline

   

Rising political leaders profile: Alvin Yeung Ngok-kiu

24 August 2015 12:20

 Vivienne Zeng

5 min read

Alvin Yeung had his eyes set on politics from a very young age. As a little boy, he wanted to become a president. “I wanted to be like Ronald Reagan,” he said. Seeing the American former president in the news all the time, he thought “it must be cool to be a president, it must be somehow like a hero.”

Today the 34-year-old is a rising star at Civic Party, one of the city’s biggest and most respected political parties. When veteran lawmaker Ronny Tong, a Civics founding member, quit both the party and the Legislative Council in June this year, he expressed hope for Yeung to win the by-election for his seat.

As a young boy, Alvin Yeung wanted to be like Ronald Reagan.

Born in Yuen Long as the only child to a restaurant owner and a jewellery dealer, Yeung and his parents emigrated to Canada in the early 1990s, “just like many other middle class families after 1989.” The horrific bloodshed on Tian’anmen Square in Beijing following a month-long student sit-in had made the Yeungs “scared” of what was to come ahead of Hong Kong’s handover to China.

In his teenage years, Yeung looked up to Taiwanese politician Ma Ying-jeou, now the island nation’s president. “I remember clearly when Ma ran for Taipei mayor in 1998. I even kept his poster.”

Teenage Alvin Yeung looked up to Ma Ying-jeou.

After studying political science in Canada, Yeung went to Peking University in China to do a master’s degree in constitutional and administrative law. It was 2003 and the SARS epidemic had spread to northern China. The slow response of the government and the lack of transparency in information disclosure made him see the importance of “building the rule of law” in the country.

That year, Hong Kong was rocked by a massive protest against national security bill Article 23 of the Basic Law, which saw half a million people march in the streets. Barristers Alan Leong, Audrey Eu, Ronny Tong and others formed a concern group to actively speak out against the anti-subversion bill, which they feared would be used for political suppression.

Alvin Yeung when he finished his undergraduate degree in 2002.

Inspired by the lawyers, Yeung joined a group called “July 1 People Pile.” He also made up his mind to pursue a legal career. “I found my identity. I have to become a barrister.” In 2004, Yeung campaigned for Alan Leong when he ran successfully for a seat in the LegCo. The next year, he went to the UK to study a law degree and became a certified barrister in 2008.

The 2003 demonstrations shook up Hong Kong’s political scene and led to the rise of Civic Party, a “lawyers’ party” speaking the voice of the city’s working professionals.

In 2011, five years after Civic Party was founded, Yeung joined and was immediately sent to the front line to represent the party in the Tai Po District Council election that year. “Politics was not on TV any more but on the street. There’s a person in front of you, you have to convince him or her to vote for you.” Despite losing, Yeung said he earned valuable experience in the race.

Alvin Yeung in his office.

Three years later, Hong Kong’s political scene once again changed drastically, this time by a never-before-seen mass movement which saw the city’s three busy business districts blocked by demonstrators for up to 79 days.

The pro-democracy Occupy Movement was educational for many, Yeung said. “People now have a better idea what governance should be, they have a higher expectation.”

The city is also turning more and more political, Yeung said, citing the government’s recent crackdown on taxi-hailing app Uber as an example. In what should have been a purely business affair, people have pointed their fingers at the government, accusing it of targeting Uber while tolerating the Chinese-backed Kuaidi One.

Alvin Yeung on a radio show (on the left).

The rise of new political groups formed by students before and after Occupy means Hong Kong’s pan-democrat camp is increasingly fragmented. Faced with a new generation which is more politically aware and harder to please, Yeung said politicians need to adapt. “You have to speak their language.”

The working barrister co-hosts popular political talk-show “Teacup in a Storm” on D100 radio station. Unlike many public figures, Yeung manages his own Facebook page and regularly replies to comments left by his supporters.

“I do it when I have time, like when I am on the MTR or something.” Yeung said, “We belong to the younger generation. With Whatsapp and all these [apps], my fingers are always on the screens anyway.”

Yeung is strongly tipped to be the Civic Party candidate to run for the by-election after Tong’s seat becomes vacant in October. However, for legal reasons, no official announcements have been made. “The announcement will definitely come after October 1,” Yeung said.

An English Exclusive Interview from The Undergrad, HKUSU


Johannes Chan, Dean of Faculty of Law, HKU

In my age, there were many fellow classmates in their arts or science majors, who wanted to be teachers. They considered this as a mission and pride. But now no one sees it as a possible career. The government put a lot of resources into education but became futile as they were on the meaningless stuff. This trend now spreads to the university. The government tries to put the value-for-money mindset with efficiency and returns in mind -- this is not workable. Traditionally Hong Kong is a realistic place, where humanities are often not valued. But I think a society without humanities will be soulless. Most people would think studying history and literature are "useless". Many people asked me what is the point of studying Law and Literature. People can only analyse the society by studying history. If you know nothing about the past, how can you analyse the future?

I saw many problems back in 2003 when the government wanted to legislate for Article 23, so I went to the community and simplified it to the public. The aim of university education is not producing degree-holders, but to make one an intellectual, who will then contribute to the society.

 The Daughter of Kwok-A incident* raised public concern back in the 1980s. Anson Chan, the then Director of Social Welfare was questioned about abuse of power. I wrote an article, saying that the govt's action had little legal foundation. Anson called me and explained the govt's stance, and I listened to her. The attitude displayed was "We treat your criticism seriously, but you might have misinterpreted this issue, allow me to explain and make you judgement". This was what the Hong Kong government did, not telling you what to do and what not to.

Details of "Daughter of Kwok-A Incident":
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daughter_of_Kwok-A_incident