Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 238
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 53 (10-08-2015)
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 53 (10-08-2015)
Full coverage of the day’s events
Leung Ka-wing's political wisdom is put to the test
HE GOVERNMENT has announced that Leung Ka-wing will succeed Roy Tang Yun-kwong as Director of Broadcasting. Given the fact that Leung possesses 40 years' professional experience in journalism, we believe that no one will have any doubts about his credentials as the editor-in-chief of RTHK. But as everybody knows, RTHK serves a lot more roles and functions than ordinary media organisations do. Over the years, it has repeatedly been caught up in political controversies. There is no guarantee that an RTHK leader who has the necessary professional expertise to handle its daily operations can put the broadcaster in the right position amid all the political arguments. All the discussion in society over the role of RTHK has well illustrated this point. Leung's performance in handling politics will be the yardstick of his success in leading RTHK and carrying out his duties.
Leung joined the media in the year 1975, and has been a reporter, an editor, and a media group high-ranking executive. He has spent his career not only in print media and television, but also in an online TV platform that he helped found. His career is not geographically restricted to Hong Kong - it also includes a stint in the US. Before his appointment as Director of Broadcasting, he was a university lecturer. As a veteran journalist, Leung has a well-rounded career, which is not easily found in other Hong Kong journalists. In other words, given Leung's credentials and the professional requirements of the job, he is an appropriate choice for handling RTHK's operations in a way an editor-in-chief does.
RTHK has two roles: it is not only a governmental body, but also a media organisation. As far as we know, Leung's political affiliation is not clear, which makes it difficult to predict how he will handle the political situations to be faced by RTHK. Over the years, the only time he has been seen overstep the boundaries of journalism was when he handled ATV's erroneous report claiming Jiang Zemin had died, an incident that led to his resignation as ATV's senior vice president of news and public affairs four years ago.
After the incident had happened, Leung attended a special session convened by the Legco Panel on Information Technology and Broadcasting, during which he attributed the erroneous report to a professional misjudgement. He claimed that the incident had nothing to do with intervention from ATV's management, as he had no proof of such actions. His assertion was regarded as illogical by many people. It was because Leung had said beforehand that "he tried his best, but failed to stop the report from being published." If there had not been any intervention from the ATV management, what could Leung have been trying to "stop"? If what the management did had not been intervention, what could it have been, which even Leung could not possibly "stop"? The erroneous report of Jiang's death is a stain on his career. Though it has been four years since he resigned as a result of the incident, the questions that have remained continue to worry those who concern themselves with and are endeavouring to uphold the professionalism and moral standards of Hong Kong journalism.
Over the past 20-odd years, what has happened inside and outside RTHK has put the broadcaster at the centre of the maelstrom. No doubt the pro-establishment camp is prejudiced against RTHK, an example being the funding to its new headquarters. The government made cuts in the budget for the building. Still, the proposal failed to gain the support of pro-establishment lawmakers, and was thrown out by Legco. The situation seems to be such that some pro-establishment politicians are scheming to bring about a gradual demise of RTHK. The challenge ahead of Leung is whether he can reverse the situation.
梁家榮接掌港台 專業到位還看政治本領
政府公布，梁家榮接替鄧忍光出任廣播處長；以梁家榮40年新聞傳媒工作的資歷，從專業角度審視，相信不會有人懷疑他做香港電台總編輯的資格。不過，衆所周知，港台的角色和功能超乎一般傳媒機構，歷年來都處於政治漩渦之中，主持港台工作的人，即使有足夠專業知識技能應付工作，但是不等於在政治紛亂之中就可以把港台置於恰當位置。歷年來，社會上環繞港台角色的爭議，已經充分說明這一點。怎樣處理政治，將是審視梁家榮帶領港台和取得什麼成績的標尺。
梁家榮由1975年起投身新聞工作，歷任記者、編輯與傳媒高層管理人員，先後涉及印刷媒體、電視台和創辦過網上電視平台；地域則除了本港，在美國也有傳媒工作經驗，獲委任為廣播處長之前，則在大學任教。以傳媒人而言，梁家榮的資歷可說十分完整，環顧目前本港傳媒中人，擁有類似資歷的人並不多。因此政府委任梁家榮掌管港台，擔任類如總編輯的工作，從資歷和所需專業要求而言，應該是合適人選。
港台兼具政府部門和傳媒機構兩種屬性。從已知資料，梁家榮的政治取向模糊，未能窺見他會怎樣處理港台面對的政治局面。歷來所見，梁家榮處理新聞而踰乎新聞元素的，是他在亞視處理江澤民死訊的報道，此事也導致他4年前辭去亞視高級副總裁（新聞及公共事務）的職位。
其後，梁家榮在立法會資訊及廣播事務委員會特別會議上，表示誤報江澤民死訊，性質只屬新聞專業判斷失誤，與高層干預新聞部無關，因為他沒有證據證明干預，云云。這個說法，當時不少人都說不合邏輯，因為既然是「盡了所有的努力，也阻不到江澤民死訊出街」，若說亞視高層沒有干預，梁家榮何須阻止？連梁家榮也阻不了，怎能不算干預？江澤民死訊是梁家榮新聞工作的污點，當時他因而辭職，但是事隔4年了，他留下來的疑問，仍然困擾着關心和維護新聞專業和新聞操守的人。
過去20多年，港台內外事態，一直處於風口浪尖。建制陣營對港台有成見，以港台興建新大樓為例，建制派議員諸多挑剔，政府即使減少預算，仍然不獲建制派支持通過。從情勢看來，「陰乾港台」是一些建制陣營人士的圖謀，梁家榮能否扭轉這個局面，對他來說是考驗。
Voter residential address unknowingly changed using forged signature
A voter’s residential address was changed to his office address by an unknown individual using a forged signature, meaning he became a registered voter in another district.
The voter only realised that his registered address had been changed after being contacted by Ming Pao, who examined the provisional register of electors published by the Registration and Electoral Office.
Hong Kong’s Central district. Photo: Flickr via lileepod.
A false application form submitted to Registration and Electoral Office (REO) on May 22 showed the address change and a forged signature. The form was obtained by the man after being notified by the newspaper.
The man had not submitted a request to change his address. He said, “I did not know this could happen in Hong Kong.” He criticised the REO for accepting the form.
The voter was originally registered in the Southern District using the his home address in Pok Fu Lam. However, the register listed his office address, Shun Tak Centre in Sheung Wan.
The change made him a voter in the Chung Wan constituency under the Central and Western District.
Voters can check their registration particulars online from now until August 25. Photo: Registration and Electoral Office.
The REO told the paper that they are investigating the incident. The voter had also filed a police report.
The provisional registers of electors and omissions lists are open for inspection until August 25. Voters can check details in the registration to ensure they’re up to date.
Franklin Chu (inset) is facing a review by the Department of Justice. The Independent Police Complaints Council ruled that an assault complaint against him is justified. Photo: HKEJ, internet
Assault charge still possible against ex-senior cop, say sources
A retired senior police officer could still face criminal assault charges if he is found to have used excessive force against civilians despite being cleared by an internal police investigation, according to legal sources.
Former Sha Tin division commander Franklin Chu is facing a review by the Department of Justice (DOJ) after being cleared by the Complaints Against Police Office (CAPO).
CAPO’s findings are at odds with those of the Independent Police Complaints Council (IPCC) which voted last month to uphold a July 10 decision that the complaint against Chu is justified, according to am730.
CAPO submitted the case to the DOJ for review, citing video evidence that purports to show Chu was not targeting any particular individual when he used his baton on civilians during last year’s democracy protests.
It said Chu did not commit assault.
However, legal sources said Chu is still criminally liable if the DOJ finds he used excessive force.
Also, the DOJ will consider the behavior of the alleged victim or victims and if they fought back, they said.
Barrister Albert Luk said Chu could be charged with assault if the use of excessive force is proven.
Meanwhile, IPCC member Kwan Chi-ping might have breached regulations on conflict of interest by failing to declare that Chu is an acquaintance.
Hong Kong's economic policy needs to change, says CY Leung
Chief Executive CY Leung said that Hong Kong's long-standing non-interventionism policy is obsolete, adding that the government should aid corporations “in a prudent manner” in the face of heavy regional competition.
Leung made the comments during an interview with Xinhua, during which he said that the city's current economic policy "must be abandoned".
He suggested that the government should act as the “super facilitator” between local corporations and mainland China’s "One Belt, One Road” policy, which focusses on connecting the economies of countries primarily in Eurasia.
He used Singapore’s membership in ASEAN and South Korea’s cultural industry as examples to justify his claim that Hong Kong’s economy needs a new positioning.
He used Singapore’s membership in ASEAN and South Korea’s cultural industry as examples to justify his claim that Hong Kong’s economy needs a new positioning.
To implement this new positioning, the government would also plan to establish overseas institutions to promote China’s policy after considering appropriate countries and industries, according to .
The government's role as a “super facilitator” would aid China in its strategic economic planning and by attracting foreign investment into China via Hong Kong, while helping local companies, reports .
In the interview, Leung also blamed the pan-Democrats and their filibustering for hindering his economic plan.
The positive non-intervention policy was introduced by Governor John James Cowperthwaite in 1971 and carried over by his successor Charles Philip Haddon-Cave. The policy allowed a free market while providing efficient regulatory and physical infrastructure, and is often seen as a cornerstone of the city's economy.
The government's role as a “super facilitator” would aid China in its strategic economic planning and by attracting foreign investment into China via Hong Kong, while helping local companies, reports .
In the interview, Leung also blamed the pan-Democrats and their filibustering for hindering his economic plan.
The positive non-intervention policy was introduced by Governor John James Cowperthwaite in 1971 and carried over by his successor Charles Philip Haddon-Cave. The policy allowed a free market while providing efficient regulatory and physical infrastructure, and is often seen as a cornerstone of the city's economy.
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