Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 106:
Full coverage of the day’s events on 31-03
Tin Sum: The Battle Between Enlightened Hongkongers and the Authoritarian CCP Regime
The Battle Between Enlightened Hongkongers and the Authoritarian CCP Regime
Translated by Chen-t'ang 鎮棠, Edited by Billy Clarke, written by Tin Sum (田心)
Original: http://www.passiontimes.hk/article/03-26-2015/21990
Despite his daughter still being in ill health, CY Leung has been spending a lot of effort and time in public forums recently. He directly asked voters to "vote them [pan-dems] out" – and he intimidated the public and anybody who might have differing views from his, stating that he is ready to tackle the next possible occupy movement.
And ready he is indeed: The police force has bought three water cannon trucks (worth $27 million HKD in total), three armoured cars (worth $14 million HKD in total) and they’ve employed 600 more officers, with new ‘guidelines’ issued (any suspected unlawful assembly involving three people or more can end in the participants being arrested). It also appears a blue ribbon police force has been formed. Under this regime, rule-breaking officers are above the law, capable of getting away with murder. The current order of the day in this Special Administrative Region is despotic establishment – as far from democracy as you can get.
As of yet, the police haven’t killed any protesters (though we’re not far off), and Hong Kong is still an international city. We can still draw attention internationally if there is any rough restraint or fatalities (like that which takes place across the border). The international eye is our last, and fading, confrontational tool.
For now, we can still retaliate against the crooked authorities in power, and we can still continue this war against these seeping forces that are iniquitously taking over. But if those politicians that we see in the news everyday continue their bickering and keep on with their minor quarrels focusing only on the rare occurrences of ‘violence’, then this will distract from the crux of the problem – and this could leave many in the city uninformed and distracted from the main issues facing society. Focusing on these few isolated incidents of real violence (which all occurred under suspicious exceptional situations) will give the government and police a reason to step up and become despotic. CY himself even boastfully stated this week that he handled the protests well as the PLA were not called in (which is in fact a hidden threat hinting at what could occur in future which also shows where his heart, and his pay check lies).
The fight for real democracy is in a current mess and it needs to be sorted out, but there are still chances. If someone cheats in a game it won’t be long before justice will prevail, and right not Hong Kong is being dominated by cheaters. Hongkongers is in the midst of a crisis and people need to stop looking the other way and acting like it is not their problem. One day a big portion of the middle-class will flee (it is already happening) and their input to the city will disappear. Regardless of class, we need to all protect our interests and stand up together now.
Why Leung supporters won’t make the same mistake twice
Joseph Lian Yizheng
Three years into his stewardship of Hong Kong, Leung Chun-ying has failed to deliver on almost all of his election promises and is hard put to address some of the most serious problems.
But three years ago, he was riding high on a wave of popular support from the grassroots, professionals and young people, especially during the closing days of the campaign.
Some high-profile figures including Ho Hei-wah, a leader of charitable groups, and Lam Chiu-ying former director of the Hong Kong Observatory, were on Leung’s campaign.
Leung’s humble family background was a stark contrast to the privileged circumstances of his opponent, former chief secretary Henry Tang.
But Leung’s self-made success inspired countless young people.
More than 70 percent of college students backed his candidacy, according to a survey at the time by the Chinese University School of Journalism.
Now those who bet on him are beside themselves with regret. I wonder how they must feel as their erstwhile champion becomes a bigger disappointment by the day.
Poverty and the housing problem have worsened. Runaway home prices are deepening the socio-economic gap. And soaring rents are dehumanizing the poorest members of society.
A recent survey shows that the average rent in 100 private estates has risen to HK$33 per square foot, setting records three months in a row.
At that level, a 300 sq. ft. flat will cost HK$10,000 (US$1,289) to rent, equivalent to the average monthly wage of a fresh college graduate.
Worse, the share of rental transactions on flats below HK$10,000 has dropped to less than 10 percent, a new low since the start of the survey in 1998.
Curiously, smaller flats and subdivided units cost more to rent per square foot than regular apartments. That means low-income people are the hardest hit.
Leung’s failings are hardly confined to housing.
Take the proposed third airport runway, for instance.
Leung’s government unilaterally decided to build it without going through the legislative budget approval process and over the objections of experts from different sectors including the aviation industry and environmental groups.
The funding plan, which includes ploughing profit back to the Airport Authority for the next 10 years — which means no money going to government coffers — is a spending spree not subject to oversight by the legislature.
We need hardly mention that the government’s treatment of issues over airspace rights and aviation safety smacks of arrogance in the face of widespread public concern.
This kind of attitude pervades other social issues. Ironically, these issues were front and center of his election campaign, winning supporters from the healthcare, accountancy and professional constituencies that turned into votes on the election committee.
It’s fair to say they have lost faith in him.
Leung has also alienated students with his repeated attempts to introduce national education in many guises.
Much of the work is carried out by the Commission on Youth, mainly comprised of second-generation members of the Hong Kong elite.
Leung’s complete allegiance to Beijing on political reform, his attempts to suppress last year’s democracy protests and a political purge targeting University of Hong Kong academics and student activists have made him an enemy of young people.
Also, Leung’s government appointments are thinly disguised cronyism which flies in the face of his election slogan “there is no Leung camp, nor Tang camp but a Hong Kong camp”.
Which is why Leung has been losing friends in liberal and business circles including James Tien, former chairman of the Liberal Party.
During an appearance in the Legislative Council last week, he sparked an angry backlash when he reinterpreted universal suffrage according to its legal requirements, saying it is genuine as long as it conforms to the constitution and the laws of society.
Many Hongkongers will tell you that Leung’s version of genuine universal suffrage is a sham.
In two years, when Leung is expected to seek a second term, his 2012 supporters will have overcome “buyer’s remorse”, but they surely will not make the same mistake.
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