2015年3月26日 星期四

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 100 (25-03-2015)



Occupy Central


Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.



Umbrella Movement



The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.


Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 100:

Full coverage of the day’s events on 25-03


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CY steps up the gears in 2017 run




On the eve of the third anniversary of his election victory, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying subtly "declared" his candidacy for a second term.

Why did he drop his guard now after avoiding the question for so long?

Has he received Beijing's assurance that he would be handed a second five- year term, after President Xi Jinping praised him for his handling of the Occupy Central protests?

It was already said last year that Leung had set up an election office. He immediately squashed the rumor.

His latest message was measured - he said he "would not rule out" seeking re-election in 2017.

One may recall that after defeating Henry Tang Ying-yen for the chief executive's post in 2012, Leung declared he would run again in five years.

He was similarly affirmative after delivering his first policy address, but turned low-key after a series of governance setbacks, saying he didn't want to talk about it.

Despite that, everybody believed Leung would seek a second term - even if he's been the most unpopular chief executive to date so far.

What's curious isn't his running or not, but rather his shift from a low to relatively high gear.

One theory suggests it's a continuation of the "CY Card" conspiracy to scare the opposition into thinking that if they veto the political reforms, Leung will be re-elected by 1,200 Election Committee members.

That's nonsense.

In politics, timing matters.

While the chief executive election is still two years away, it would be in the interests of those planning to challenge the incumbent to start early to build support.

Former security minister Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee is an example.

Although she hasn't formally declared her candidacy, Ip has been unambiguous about her ambition to replace Leung at the SAR's top post. It's said that during the recent political conferences in Beijing, Ip invited acquaintances to back her should she decide to run.

But as the incumbent, Leung could have waited longer to shift gears. It couldn't have been a Freudian slip when he alluded to his plan to run again.

Clearly, he's convinced the time is ripe.

First, it's symbolic to drop the hint on the eve of the third anniversary of his election victory.

Second, there's no negative feedback about him from Beijing - even though he's failed in the important task of promoting political reforms in the SAR.

Obviously, Leung is feeling safe and smug. In making his intentions known, he's warning his foes in the pro-Beijing camp to stop back-stabbing him.

Meanwhile, he's also trying to tell his potential rivals like Ip that he stands a far higher chance of winning.

Indeed, Leung's election work is under way.

He invited about 400 pro-Beijing figures to his residence over the weekend for two private gatherings.

According to some of those who attended, the sessions resembled election meetings.

The curtain is raised for the chief executive election campaign. But would it be too far-fetched to suggest Beijing has already made its choice for 2017?

In politics, even a week can be too long.













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