Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 187
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 3
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 3
Full coverage of the day’s events on 21-06
Defeat of constitutional reform proposal has plunged HK into uncertainty
A walkout staged by pro-establishment lawmakers brought much drama to the vote on the constitutional reform proposal. Then the pan-democrats banded together, and, in alliance with Leung Ka-lau, the medical sector representative, threw out the proposal with their 28 votes. As a result, the political system will remain as it is. Hong Kong citizens will not be able to elect the Chief Executive in 2017 in a "one person, one vote" fashion.
The result of the vote is nothing short of black humour. Though they had been in firm support of the proposal, the majority of pro-establishment lawmakers staged a walkout right before the showdown, missing the chance to cast their votes. "What on earth were they doing?" This must be the question being asked by the majority of citizens, especially those who support the proposal. Several lawmakers explain that they left the legislative chamber to wait for Lau Wong-fat, so that he could cast his vote when he came back. The mess, they say, resulted from miscommunication. Even if this was the real reason and all this was a mistake, one question remains unanswered: Why did these lawmakers think that Lau's presence and his vote were of greater importance than those of the other 40 pro-establishment lawmakers? Those involved in the incident must answer this question, otherwise they will let down the citizens who support the constitutional reform proposal.
Now that the constitutional reform issue has come to an end, it is time for the SAR government to devote itself to the real business. For the Beijing authorities and pan-democrats, it is time for a full review of the situation and a new strategy. First, though the central government honestly believes that the 31 August framework is in the best interests of both China and Hong Kong, the fact remains that the opposition in Hong Kong is still capable of defying the central government. Those who understand the situation in Hong Kong are well aware that the so-called "mainland-Hong Kong" conflicts are in fact conflicts between the central government and the pan-democrats, and that they will cease to exist if the central government improves its relationship with the pan-democrats.
Second, the pan-democrats have to understand that, if they do not acknowledge the central government's constitutional status in the Hong Kong SAR, it will be impossible for them to have constructive interactions with the Beijing authorities. Nor will anything be achieved in the constitutional reform issue. In her closing remarks to the debate yesterday, Carrie Lam, the Chief Secretary for Administration, said that the pan-democratic lawmakers had been paying no regard for the role the central government plays in the SAR's constitutional development as stipulated by the Basic Law ever since discussion of constitutional reform began. She added, "To advance the cause of democracy in the SAR, it is important not to deviate from the principles and policies of 'one country, two systems' or ignore the constitutional requirements. Otherwise, any discussions of the issue will not have any solid bases. Neither will these discussions lead to any good results."
For over two years, society has been in bitter disagreement. This, together with the 79-day Occupy movement, has fundamentally changed Hong Kong's political environment in a way that makes many feel worried. The ideas of Hong Kong seceding from China and even gaining independence are making their way in society. What is more, some pan-democratic lawmakers are trying to avail themselves of the opportunities opened up by these evil ideologies, as can be seen from what they have said and done recently. In no way can such ideologies be advantageous to Hong Kong; they will only lead Hong Kong down a blind alley. It is our sincere hope that pan-democratic lawmakers will think twice and not take the risk, as that is a political gamble that will plunge Hong Kong into a dangerous situation, for which they will also pay a price.
香港陷不明朗景况 各方須反思謀出路
政改方案表決，因為建制派議員臨陣退席而倍添戲劇性。可是，泛民議員緊抱一致，連同醫學界別議員梁家騮共28票而否決了方案，結果是政制未能推展，市民在2017年無法以一人一票選出行政長官。
政改方案表決結果，充滿黑色笑話效果，堅定支持方案的大部分建制派議員，竟然臨場退席沒投票，他們到底在搞什麼東西？相信這是大多數、特別是支持通過方案的市民的疑問。有些議員解釋退席原因是為了等候劉皇發議員返回投票，託詞乃溝通不足所致。即使此乃真實原因，事態純屬「蝦碌」的結果，但是這些議員還有一個問題未交代，那就是難道劉皇發議員在席投票，重要性超過其餘40名建制派議員投票支持通過政改方案？涉事議員必須回答這個問題，否則對不起支持政改方案的市民。
在後政改時期，特區政府理應全力辦實事，北京和泛民也該全面檢討和反思時局，尋求出路。首先，即使中央堅信8‧31架框符合國家與香港利益，但現實是香港的反對力量仍有足夠勢力與中央抗衡。熟悉港情者都知道，所謂內地與本港的矛盾，其實是中央與泛民陣營的矛盾，只要中央處理好與泛民的關係，所謂內地與香港的矛盾就會消弭。
其次，泛民也要反思，若不認同中央在特區憲政上的地位，則不可能與北京良性互動，政改發展也不可能有出路。政務司長林鄭月娥昨日在決議案總結發言時，指出泛民議員由政改討論開始一直到昨天，「都漠視《基本法》下中央在特區的政制發展中的角色」；她還說「在特區推動民主發展，如果偏離了『一國兩制』的方針政策，無視憲制的要求，任何討論將欠缺最根本的基礎，結果就是難有寸進，一事無成」。
歷經兩年多爭拗和79日的佔領行動，本港政治生態確實發生變化，丕變的實質使人忐忑不安，甚至把香港推向分裂以至獨立的思潮已經泛起；近期有部分泛民議員的言行，還突顯他們意圖收割如此惡果。這些思潮，無論從任何角度審視都絕無好處，只會把香港推向死胡同！我們懇請這些議員三思而行，火中取栗會把香港陷於險惡境地，他們個人也須承擔責任和代價，切勿作這場政治豪賭。
Ronny Tong laments internal conflicts, quits party and legislature
Holding back tears, Civic Party co-founder Ronny Tong Ka-wah announced today he was resigning from the legislature, just hours after he quit the party.
He aid he quit the party because he did not want to impede its development and did not want to split the pan-democrats by remaining in Legco.
As for the timing of his resignation, he noted that political reforms had come to a halt and that he would do the least harm to the party and the pan-democrats by leaving now.
In a letter to party members earlier today, he had lamented that the party had strayed from its original goal to draw moderates and adopt the mentality of a ruling party.
Quitting the party was “extremely painful,'' he noted in his letter, adding that he “can no longer walk with the party.''
He had founded the Civic Party along with Audrey Eu Yeut-mee, Alan Leong Kah-kit and Margaret Ng.
Tong said he had informed Legco president Jasper Tsang Yok-sing.
His resignation will be effective from October 1, 2015.
He said he had worked hard to promote democracy over the past 11 years. But his role as a legislator did not seem to be effective. So he decided to continue his work in another role. Tong insisted he will remain in politics and help groom young leaders.
Tong’s letter hinted at conflicts between himself and other party leaders such as Audrey Eu and Alan Leong.
In 2010, Tong had opposed the idea of the Civic Party joining the wide by-election dubbed the referendum in five constituencies.
In January 2010, during the tenure of Chief Executive Donald Tsang, five lawmakers including Albert Chan Wai-yip of the League of Social Democrats, as well as Alan Leong and Tanya Chan of the Civic Party resigned, setting the stage for by-elections.
They believed it would be a de facto referendum on universal suffrage. They all said they hoped “to trigger a de facto referendum’’ and “let citizens vote on the subject.’’
Young Hongkongers seek new path in democracy battle
Two schoolgirls walk through the Admiralty protest site during last year's Umbrella Movement on Sep. 28, 2015. (Photo: Laurel Chor/Coconuts Media)
With the defeat this week of the Beijing-backed political reform plan they slammed as "fake democracy", Hong Kong's young protesters are questioning how to take their fight forward as the gulf between them and mainland China widens.
While pro-democracy campaigners outside the legislature cheered at the result, young protesters are increasingly forging their own path.
In the wake of last year's street rallies, they say they identify less as Chinese and have little faith that trying to collaborate with Beijing will lead to the freedom they seek.
"When it comes to the discussion of democracy, voting rights, the right to be nominated, it is a kind of civil right in society," said Billy Fong, president of the HKU Students' Union.
"This right only belongs to those citizens in Hong Kong, not people living north of the Shenzhen river," said Fong, referring to the waterway that divides Hong Kong from the mainland.
Under Fong's leadership, the HKU Students' Union broke away from Hong Kong's annual Tiananmen Square vigil this year.
Instead it held its own, smaller event, saying it no longer agreed with the organisers' strategy to push for democratisation in China as a way to win freedoms for Hong Kong.
"Hong Kongers will distance themselves from China. We don't share a consensus," said student Jamie Wong, 18. "We need to mobilise more people to confront the authorities."
ALIENATION RISK
Student Leslie Mak, 19, said she believed "there was still hope" for democracy, but felt an identity shift after the mass rallies. "My feeling about being Chinese is blurring. I feel strongly about being a Hong Konger," Mak told AFP.
Mak agrees with a new call by younger generations to amend Hong Kong's mini-constitution, the Basic Law, which they feel restricts democratic development. Students at the main Tiananmen vigil in the city's Victoria Park this year burned copies of the Basic Law onstage.
There is also increasingly visible resentment towards China outside the political arena, from protests against traders in border towns to the booing of the Chinese national anthem when it was played to represent Hong Kong at a recent World Cup qualifying football match.
Fans at the match held up towels which read "Fight for Hong Kong". That incident followed heavy criticism of a poster by the Chinese football association which warned against the "black, white and yellow" of Hong Kong's multi-ethnic team.
"This alienation from the motherland and focus on core Hong Kong values will continue and will win more supporters," predicted Willy Lam, a professor at CUHK. "Now most young people realise they may not see a democratic China within their lifetime so they want to focus on Hong Kong."
The mainstream democracy campaign risks losing the support of youngsters entirely after achieving no concessions from Beijing, added analyst Ma Ngok.
"There will be some groups, especially younger groups, who think that they need to be more radical, more confrontational. Mainstream political parties will find it difficult to mobilise young people for the next (district and parliamentary) elections," said Ma. "Most of the older generation still see themselves as Chinese, but the young say 'we are Hong Kongese'."
But while they are keen to differentiate themselves, Ma says there is little genuine desire among the city's young to break away from Beijing. "They feel they were promised harmony,"he said. "but are seeing more control. It's like a very stringent father.
"They don't think: 'We are going to form an independent country, or an independent state'.
"They just want to be left alone. "To put it very simply, they just want to be free."
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