Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 166:
Full coverage of the day’s events on 31-05
Chan Ya-ming: In Memorial of the Once-Innocent Joshua Wong
In Memorial of the Once-Innocent Joshua Wong
Translated by Samuel L., edited by Chen-t'ang 鎮棠, written by Chan Ya-ming
Coming across his photo on Comment on the Apple Daily lately, I was shocked to recognise that such youngster is also getting ‘older’. He once made Yu Yi-wa, a pro-Beijing teacher, in total outrage at the City Forum, an RTHK live programme in Victoria Park. He once showed his political wit in bowing to instead of shaking hands with CY Leung. He once had an innocent and broad smile.
One may not like how he is right now, but one must like the fifteen-year-old Joshua. Instead of growing a lot in the past three years, he has actually become older. Social movements exhausted his time in studying and thinking. Depth of his thinking has almost been stagnant since fifteen years old. But as a leader in an organisation, the more people he met, the more evasive he handles, and the more cautious he speaks. After all, he actually becomes more sophisticated. Once becoming sophisticated, he gets older.
I clearly remember the day when I recognised that the innocent Joshua shall no longer return. It was the last siege of the government headquarter, the most tragic one. While friends and dissidents were beaten up to broken heads and blood, Joshua announced a hunger strike. Such a tragedy full of political calculation simply disgusted me, and it is a total insult to all protesters who shed their blood for democracy of Hong Kong.
I latterly heard him saying that he ‘still loves China’ during a televised interview. It is to me that he is getting more and more sophisticated, more and more close to a politician. I don’t reckon Joshua embracing a ‘cultural China’ as Tang Jun-yi does. I don’t reckon him being so lovesick to China as Ching Cheong is, let alone leading revolution in China as Yang Kuang did. His verbal love to China disturbed me. It is either he lacks critical thinking, or he is speaking to the Chinese communist.
These few months after the Umbrella Revolution, I have been imagining how democratic movement in Hong Kong will be under the leadership of Joshua Wong. I observed all actions of the Scholarism. It ends up only to be developing new medium, endearing Agnes Chow and styling Joshua Wong. ‘Scholarism’ turns to be a business. Focusing on marketing, it is only one step from listing. Do we really have nothing else to do in the past months here in Hong Kong? Where is Joshua when we still live in this world invaded by Individual Visit Scheme?
The answer is: sitting back at home and sharing violent videos of protesters in rehabilitation activities.
Joshua Wong is a saint is what I finally realise. A moral halo is fabricated by global media on him. Rehabilitations are simply too filthy for him, no matter they succeeded or not. He desires eternal social movements. Social movement is to become his prospect, politician is to become his forever occupation. Yesterday, such shameless Joshua Wong even said,’ lastly, I remember that the Fortune magazine was titled as ‘The Death of Hong Kong’ in summer 1995, envisaging a huge regression of Hong Kong after the 1997 handover. But today, I can firmly tell the editors of the Fortune magazine that your judgements on Hong Kong were totally wrong. Hong Kong will never die, as Hongkongers will be the eventual victors.’
I dare ask Joshua, "In what ways shall we be the victor? Through hunger strike?"
It has already been half a year. Hongkongers are in utter failure. Instead of seeing any hope, I eliminate all hope constructed upon the projection of myself on the leaders’ pretences. A real rebel never deceives himself with hope. Hope is to be, or not to be. Such applies to roads on ground; For actually the earth had no roads to begin with, but when men pass one way, a road is made.
悼逝去不回來的那個天真爛漫的黃之鋒
張愛玲說：「成名要趁早。」今天，十八歲的黃之鋒已經是「全球十大傑出領袖」及「全球百大思想家」，可是，我竟懷念十五歲時的他。十五歲時，還是天真爛漫的黃之鋒因為反國教一鳴驚人，當年他的出現教我們汗顏，也成了香港人的希望，也曾是我的希望……
最近，我看到黃之鋒在《蘋果日報》副刊的照片，我吃驚了，也感到一個十八歲的年輕人竟然「老了」，不其然想到他當年在城市論壇令那余綺華老師氣急敗壞拍枱發難，不其然想到他退後鞠躬不跟梁振英握手的政治智慧，不其然想到他當年那天真爛漫的笑容。
今天怎樣不喜歡黃之鋒的人，也曾喜歡十五歲時的他。三年來，他長大了，但其實是老了。因為搞社運，他根本沒有時間讀書及思考，他的思想深度幾乎停留在他十五歲時的層次，不過因為搞組織，對人對多了，他處事手法變得圓滑，講話也變得謹慎，其實，說到底，他是變得世故了。一旦世故，人就老了。
我很記得那一天開始，我知道那個天真爛漫的黃之鋒已經逝去不回來。那是雨傘革命最後一次圍堵政總，也是最慘烈的一次，許多朋友義士在龍和道被打得頭破血流，之後黃之鋒竟然宣布絕食。這充滿政治計算的苦情戲令我噁心，同時他的所作所為侮辱了為香港民主流血的抗爭者。
後來，在一次電視訪談中，聽到他說自己「依然愛國」，感到他愈來愈世故，愈來愈似一個政客。我看不到黃之鋒像唐君毅那樣擁抱「文化中國」，也看不到他好像程翔那樣苦戀中國，更不可能像楊匡般返大陸搞革命。他那種「口頭愛國」令我又感到不安，要麼是他沒有批判思考能力，要麼就是他想說給中共聽。
雨傘革命後，幾個月以來，我都在想像香港民主運動由黃之鋒領導下去會怎樣？我觀察「學民思潮」在搞什麼，結果就是搞新媒體，搞周庭萌照，搞黃之鋒新造型。「學民思潮」已經變了一盤生意，大搞 marketing，只差未上市。可是，香港幾個月以來，就沒有其他事可做？香港人依舊生活在被自由行侵擾的世界，黃之鋒去了哪裡？
答案是：安坐家中在專頁分享光復行動中抗爭者暴力的影片。
我終於明白了，黃之鋒是聖人，全球媒體幫他製造道德光環，光復行動對他來說太骯髒，不管真的有實際功效。他要的是永續社運，社運成為前途，政客成為終身職業。這樣的黃之鋒，昨天竟敢厚顏說： 「最後，想起一件事，就是在1995年的夏天，《財富》雜誌封面以『香港之死』為題，預言九七回歸後香港將會有著大倒退，但我肯定今天可以告訴財富雜誌的編輯們，你們對香港的判斷是完全錯誤的，香港必不會死，因為香港人最後一定會贏。」
我想問黃之鋒： 香港人憑什麼贏，憑絕食？
半年了，香港人徹底失敗，在那令人窒息的催淚煙中，我沒有看到希望，但倒把從前自己投射在領袖上的虛妄的所有希望消滅，真正的反抗者不須以希望自欺：希望本是無所謂有，無所謂無的。這正如地上的路；其實地上本沒有路，走的人多了，也便成了路。
Coconuts
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