Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 183:
Full coverage of the day’s events on 17-06
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
Businesses based near Hong Kong legislature have plans in case pro-democracy protests turn ugly
Tight security outside Legco
Some businesses based near the Legislative Council building in Admiralty are ready to activate alternative work plans if clashes erupt during this week’s debate on political reform.
At Citic Tower, a waterfront office building adjacent to the Legco complex and government offices on Tim Mei Avenue, some employers said they would allow staff to work from home or from offices elsewhere in the city.
But so far, it’s business as usual for most companies despite protests outside Legco against the government’s proposal for the 2017 chief executive election. The debate began today and lawmakers are expected to vote in the next couple of days.
Hundreds of police have been keeping guard at Legco since this morning.
Chris Carlin, a project manager for a finance company based in Central, visited Citic Tower on business and said the police presence was understandable in view of last year’s Occupy sit-ins for democracy.
“The police can’t afford to let what happened before happen again, so I understand the police presence as well,” he said. “It shows the business community that they’re going to try to minimise disruption ahead of time.”
Hong Kong-listed CITIC Limited, which is based at Citic Tower, said via a spokeswoman that staff had been working as usual so far today, but it would activate a contingency plan if the protests turned sour.
She said staff could either work from home or at an alternate location.
Brokerage SinoPac Securities (Asia) said business remained normal, while Hyundai Securities said staff had been told of alternative routes to Citic Tower in case exits or bridges were blocked.
Shopkeepers and workers in Admiralty Centre, opposite government headquarters, also saw nothing to worry about.
Gary Chan Yiu-ho, a worker at Professional Locksmith in Admiralty Centre, said there was no need to do anything out of the ordinary, adding: “This is Hong Kong; nothing’s going to happen.”
Hong Kong political reform vote: Carrie Lam tells pan-democrats to respect public opinion
Carrie Lam told lawmakers there would be no new round of consultation on political reform as 'society needs time to heal'. Photo: K.Y. Cheng
Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor today urged pan-democrats to respect public opinion as she made a last-ditch effort to persuade them to support the government’s reform plan.
In her opening remarks in the Legislative Council debate on the government’s model for the 2017 chief executive proposal, Lam said: “Public opinion is clear. The majority of Hong Kong people would like to see their right to vote being put in place in 2017 so that there will be development of political reform, instead of a stalemate.”
“In my experience, in my visit to districts, I can feel in general the public has a strong desire to have one person one vote … This is a very strong public opinion,” said Lam, who led the government’s task force on political reform.
With all 27 pan-democrats and one pro-establishment lawmaker vowing to vote against the reform plan, Lam needs to win over at least five votes to secure the required two-thirds majority in the 70-member legislature.
She rebutted accusations from pan-democrats that the local government had misled Beijing on the views of the Hong Kong public earlier in the reform process.
And the chief secretary stressed the current administration would be “unable” to restart consultation on election reform before its term ends in 2017.
The government would instead focus on economic and social issues, adding: “Society needs time to heal.”
If lawmakers pass the proposal, she said, it would not just be a change in the number of voters able to have a say in the identity of the city’s leader.
“It is also a change in the ecology of election,” Lam said. “[Candidates will] feel the power of the public and be mindful of the public.”
Electing the Chief Executive: Hong Kong’s political reform vote explained
The Hong Kong government's proposal for the 2017 Chief Executive election promises "one man, one vote" but critics say it is not "true universal suffrage". This is our ongoing visual guide on the topic.
How do we expect Legco to vote on the reform?
Updated on June 17, 2015 at 1:00 p.m.
On June 17, 2015, Legco starts debating the government’s proposed political reform package. A two-thirds majority is required for the constitutional change to pass.
Frederick FUNG Kin-kee
Dennis KWOK
Alan LEONG Kah-kit
Claudia MO
Kenneth CHAN Ka-lok
Kwok Ka-ki
Ronny TONG Ka-wah
IP Kwok-him
Jasper TSANG Yok-sing
PRESIDENT
PRESIDENT
Starry LEE Wai-king
Steven HO Chun-yin
WONG Ting-kwong
CHAN Hak-kan
CHAN Han-pan
CHAN Kam-lam
CHIANG Lai-wan
Christopher CHUNG Shu-kun
Elizabeth QUAT
LEUNG Che-cheung
TAM Yiu-chung
Albert HO Chun-yan
James To Kun-sun
Emily LAU Wai-hing
Helena WONG Pik-wan
SIN Chung-kai
WU Chi-wai
CHAN Yuen-han
KWOK Wai-keung
TANG Ka-piu
Alice MAK Mei-kuen
WONG Kwok-hing
WONG Kwok-kin
CHEUNG Kwok-che
Cyd HO Sau-lan
Fernando CHEUNG Chiu-hung
LEE Cheuk-yan
LEUNG Kwok-hung
LEUNG Yiu-chung
Gary FAN Kwok-wai
Albert CHAN Wai-yip
CHAN Chi-chuen
Charles Peter MOK
Kenneth LEUNG
IP Kin-yuen
Abraham SHEK Lai-him
Andrew LEUNG Kwan-yuen
CHAN Kin-por
Christopher CHEUNG Wah-fung
CHUNG Kwok-pan
Frankie YICK Chi-ming
Jeffrey LAM Kin-fung
Joseph LEE Kok-long
LAM Tai-fai
LAU Wong-fat
LEUNG Ka-lau
LO Wai-kwok
MA Fung-kwok
Martin LIAO Cheung-kong
NG Leung-sing
POON Siu-ping
Tommy CHEUNG Yu-yan
Tony TSE Wai-chuen
Vincent FANG Kang
YIU Si-wing
James TIEN Pei-chun
Michael TIEN Puk-sun
Paul TSE Wai-chun
Priscilla LEUNG Mei-fun
Regina IP LAU SUk-yee
WONG Yuk-man
Bold names on the graphic are lawmakers with notes. Some names link to pages that explain their attitude towards the vote. The seating map is current as of October 11, 2012.
The proposal will likely fail, as the number of 'yes' votes (41, versus 28 for those against it) is below the two-thirds majority (47) of votes in the 70-member Legislative Council. Five lawmakers on the 'no' side would need to switch sides to change the expected outcome of the ballot, assuming president Jasper Tsang (of pro-Beijing party DAB) - who will only vote if necessary, such as if there is a tie - goes in favour of the reform package.
Legislators should make right choice
TODAY (June 17) legislators begin to consider the government's constitutional reform package, which will soon be put to the vote. As significant as a landmark in history, the matter is extremely important to Hong Kong. It depends on the outcome of the vote whether citizens will elect the Chief Executive (CE) by "one man, one vote" in 2017, and the outcome will have far-reaching impacts on mainland-Hong Kong relations and interactions. It is hoped that the seventy legislators will be wise enough to focus on the real issue, make good use of their votes and come to the right decision in the interest of the wellbeing of over seven million Hong Kong citizens.
Many have asked the following question. If the Legislative Council throws the package out, how will Hong Kong's democratisation fare? So far none can provide an answer to it. The following may actually happen. The CE will not be elected by universal suffrage in 2017, and a necessary condition for the election of all the legislators by universal suffrage (which is supposed to follow the election of the CE by universal suffrage) will be lacking. Therefore, if the package is thrown out, the constitutional system will not just remain unchanged. It will actually retrogress. Universal suffrage will not be exercised in Hong Kong in the foreseeable future. Once it is thrown out, Hong Kong's democratisation will be disorientated and derailed. This is what Hong Kong will be faced with as soon as that happens.
Central government-Hong Kong relations are of the utmost importance. They have far-reaching impacts on the SAR whether they are well or ill handled. Many are worried that they will worsen after the package has been thrown out. If they are beyond repair, Hong Kong will, in the worst-case scenario, gradually approach its zenith and begin to sink. Economically, the central government's attitude is decisive. Hong Kong is so reliant on the mainland that, if Beijing sneezes, it will come down with flu. Therefore, in the post-constitutional reform era, there should be suitable "crisis management" in respect of the way Hong Kong-mainland relations may develop. It is now imperative to avoid adding fuel to the flame. As for the central government, even if the package is thrown out, it should remain magnanimous and refrain from doing anything drastic to Hong Kong lest things in it should irretrievably worsen.
Over the past two years, Hong Kong has seen many disputes and developments in relation to constitutional reform. About the government's constitutional reform package, one needs only to consider two options. One is to reject it on the grounds that "screening" is by no means acceptable. Since the August 31 framework features "screening", one should forgo "the vote", reject the package and fight for a "screening-free" method of electing the CE by universal suffrage. The other is to support it on the grounds that it is impossible to get the August 31 framework changed. One should accept "one man, one vote" first so that citizens will bring about change by using their votes in universal-suffrage elections. Strictly speaking, it takes only a moment's thought to determine which option to take. Let it be left to the legislators to judge which is more in Hong Kong's best interests and more conducive to Hong Kong people's wellbeing. They are supposed to be wise enough to make the right choice.
政改臨審議表決時刻 期望議員作正確抉擇
立法會今日（17日）開始審議並表決政改方案，這是具歷史里程碑意義的議程，對香港極其重要。這個表決結果，不僅關乎市民在2017年能否以一人一票選舉特首，對日後內地與香港的關係和互動也會帶來深遠影響。但願70名立法會議員有足夠智慧對準真實問題，善用手中一票，為香港700多萬市民的福祉，做正確決定。
設若立法會否決了政改方案，正如不少人提出：民主進程將如何走下去？迄今無人可以提供答案。事實可能是這樣：除了2017年的特首不能以普選產生，原本特首普選後在2020年立法會的全部議席將由普選產生的安排，也將失去落實的前提。因此，否決政改方案就意味着政制並非原地踏步，而是實質倒退；普選變得遙遙無期，民主進程在否決之後就失去方向，越出原有軌迹。這是否決方案之後，香港即時面對的處境。
內地與本港關係是重中之重的事，處理得好或不好，對香港都有深遠影響。否決了政改方案之後，不少人擔心與中央關係逆轉；若無法修補，最壞情况是香港將會逐步走向盛極而衰。就經濟層面而言，中央取態能夠左右大局，以本港對內地的依存情况，北京打個噴嚏，香港就會感冒。因此，在後政改時期，就內地與本港關係可能走向，須有適度的「危機管理」，眼前切勿火上加油，期望泛民議員在這方面多加努力。至於中央，即使政改方案被否決，仍要保持豁達大度，勿對本港採取大動作，避免促使香港局勢繼續走上不歸路。
關於政改議題，歷經兩年多爭拗和發展，實際上只是兩個考量：一個是絕不接受篩選，既然8．31框架有篩選，則寧可連選票也不要，否決之後繼續爭取沒有篩選的特首普選辦法；另一個是既然未能促使8．31框架改變，那就先接受，拿了一人一票之後，再讓市民在普選中藉手中的一票促成轉變。這兩個考量，嚴格來說不過是一念之間的事，哪一個更符合港人福祉和香港最大利益，現在就交由立法會議員去判斷，他們應該有足夠智慧作出正確抉擇。
Coconuts
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