Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 185
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 1
Full coverage of the day’s events on 19-06
Seriously, we're a laughing stock
The last coffin nail has been hammered home. As the script dictated, every pan- democratic lawmaker voted against the political reform bill.
However, few expected the outcome to be overshadowed by the ugly and embarrassing walkout staged by the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong and others in the government camp at the crucial moment.
Because of this, the contentious bill wasn't vetoed by a one-third minority - but instead rejected by a 28-to-8 majority.
The fact that only eight lawmakers cast their votes in favor of the reforms, turned the event into a laughing stock in the eyes of the international community. Whoever initiated the walkout idea should be tarred and feathered. Hours later, a headline on Bloomberg News' website blared "One Sick Lawmaker Makes Vote on Hong Kong Democracy a Landslide."
The pro-government lawmakers ought to have known it takes coordinated teamwork to play "offside" to force a timeout to delay the critical vote. [In football, an offside occurs when a player or players are in the wrong place at the wrong time on the playing field]. But as 31 of them filed out of the chamber, nine remained glued to their chairs. And since a quorum still existed, Legislative Council president Jasper Tsang Yok-sing called for the vote.
The Central Liaison Office will have a migraine headache trying to explain the colossal blunder to Beijing.
It's simply nonsense for the pro- government forces to say they wanted to wait for peer Lau Wong-fat, the rural strongman, to arrive for the vote.
Instead of a walkout, the government supporters could have resorted to other means to delay the vote - such as stealing a tactic from the pan-democrats and filibustering.
They could have dragged out the debate for another few hours. That they didn't do this may be because the government camp wasn't as organized as perceived. Given the faux pas, the SAR government will likely be subjected to scorn by its mainland and international peers for its incompetence in keeping its own house in order. Worse still, the district council and legislative elections are coming up this and next year. The blunder casts doubt on their ability to punish the opposition.
The rejection of the political reform bill is a no-win situation for all. It may be good news in the sense bickering that dogged the city for the past two years was finally over. But, ironically, the quagmire is far from over, for the plan to elect the chief executive by universal suffrage was to enhance the moral authority of the leader, so that the weak governance since 1997 can be improved.
In retrospect, the Occupy Movement last year was the game changer. First, moderate pan-democrats were tied to the radicals in a bundle. Second, it was also an alarm bell for Beijing, resulting in the electoral steel cage announced on August 31 that left no wriggle room.
The olive branch offered by Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office director Wang Guangya, saying the 2017 reform wasn't permanent was a case of too little, too late. It should have been said earlier. I'm still baffled why Beijing had waited so long to say so. Was it because of serious misjudgment by some responsible officials at the earlier stage?
Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying said he hopes Hong Kong will now focus on the economy and livelihood issues. It's wishful thinking. Next week, another storm will blow in when the government approaches lawmakers for funding to establish the Innovation and Technology Bureau. It won't be smooth sailing.
It's likely the SAR's social and political environment - already damaged - will continue deteriorating.
Perhaps all Hongkongers can do now is prepare for the worst while hoping for the best.
否決未除風波惡 我城前途行路難
港大學生會回應六一八否決「袋住先」政改方案之聲明
「此非終曲時，間奏尚未起，序曲方音落。」昨日，立法會卒以大比數否決政改方案，險守香江殘山剩水。不過，是次表決不是階段性勝利，更不是值得鼓掌高歌「今天我」之時。
歲月蹉跎三十載，前路漫漫且瀟瀟。過去，港人外抗中共滲透殖民；更要內防權貴賣港求存。保皇奴才漠視民意，只知盲從聖旨，固然可恥復可悲；五年前民主黨、民協等販民議員變節舔共，更令人齒冷又心寒。港人有懼前科，遂連番聯署抗議，惟恐泛民再度失節。昨日廿八名議員總算堅守底線，行使否決之權。惟此舉僅屬應有之義，絕非恩賜善行，實無藉此攫奪選票之理。
「袋住先」播毒至今已逾廿月，社會黑白是非顛倒。先有高官議員指鹿為馬，周融、李偲嫣、屈穎妍羣醜吠影吠聲，亂搬龍門，捏造民意民情，擾亂民智民心；後有立法會中門大開，五百警察竊據議事堂，三權分立盡告隳毀。昨日政改方案遭受否決，我城雖得以慘守頹垣，但中共定必加強箝制本港，融合工程勢將接踵而來。我們務須夙夜匪懈，莊敬自強。
主權移交以來，「港人治港」和「五十年不變」等嚴正承諾猶如風中殘燭，微昧將滅。考一國兩制源自英中私相授受，從未經港人賦權，何況中共政權背信棄義，踐踏港人尊嚴。今天高呼「命運自決」，實乃天公地道。爛方案否決過後，港人應率先討論二零四七前途問題，主導政治議程，逼使中共早日面對難題。否則，港中融合大計一成，抗爭形勢更見險峻。屆時中共反客為主，我們將無力博奕，回天乏術。
七十五年前的昨日，法國中興名將戴高樂以《告人民書》，勉勵行伍麾下：「無論你在何方，準備犧牲，心懷壯志，隨我所行。」眼下時局板蕩，否決政改無改我城危在旦夕之況，一如當日法蘭西慘遭德意志鐵騎蹂躪。此情此景，正如文中所言「我邦危在旦夕！讓我們共同光復她吧！」
香港大學學生會
二零一五年六月十九日
Crisis remains unsolved after rejection
Our city is to set forth to a road of peril
Declaration of HKUSU in response to the Rejection of the ‘Make It Happen’ Political Reform Package on 18 June
‘Now this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.’ The political reform package was finally rejected with an overwhelming majority yesterday at the Legislative Council. The lasting piece and bit of Hong Kong is finally saved. Still, it shall never be regarded as an interim victory, nor shall we applause and chant this song of ‘Today, I…’
Thirty years were wasted in faltering steps, endless roads are reaching far ahead. On one hand, we fought off Chinese communist infiltration attempting to colonize; on the other, we defended against strong aristocratic betrayal begging for survival. Royalist servants neglecting our opinions and only, and blindly, following imperial edicts is certainly shameful and pathetic; the Democratic Party and the Hong Kong Association for Democracy and People’s Livelihood as the turncoat and traitor five years ago is also insulting and disappointing. With much fear toward various precedence, we have cosigned and protested to avoid any betrayal. Luckily, twenty-eight councilors held strong to their bottom lines and exercised their right to veto. Such act shall yet always be their rightful duty but never a favour nor grace, and surely never a plan in seizing supports and votes.
Going viral for more than twenty months, ‘Pocket for now’ has reversed all right and wrong in society. High officials first swore black to be white. Scoundrels like Robert Chow, Leticia Lee and Chris Wat parroted and ever changed their principles, fabricating civil opinions and circumstances, disturbing civil understanding and acceptance; the Legislative Council then openly received the subjugation of 500 police officers, leading to the total collapse and destruction of separation of powers. The political reform package might be rejected yesterday, our city could just hold on to our rubbles, the situation has yet been worsening. The Chinese communist must further muzzle our city upon the rejection and assimilating manoeuvres shall be in the air. We must endeavour to strengthen with vigilance.
After the transfer of sovereignty, solemn promises of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong’ and ‘Unchanged for 50 Years’ are flickering candles waiting to be smothered. While ‘One Country, Two Systems’ originated from Anglo-Sino conspiracy without any empowerment from Hong Kong people, any Chinese communist treachery and perfidy trampling our dignity can certainly be expected. It is thus unequivocally fair and just to claim and chant the slogan of ‘We determine our own destiny’. As the dreadful package is now spurned, we should first discuss our prospect after 2047 and lead the political agenda to force the early communist review and solution. Our situation in protest would only be in greater peril upon successful assimilation if we failed. By then, the Chinese inmates shall take over the asylum. We shall be left impotent to save the day.
Seventy-five years ago, Charles De Gaulle, the resurgent French general, encouraged his subordinates with his ‘À tous les Français’,‘wherever they may be, to unite with me in action, in sacrifice and in hope.’ In this time of chaos, rejection of the reform package never matters to this imminent predicament. We are at no state different from the French suffering from German trample and crush. As his speech goes, ‘our country is in danger of death! Let us fight to save it!’
The Hong Kong University Students’ Union
19 June 2015
CY Leung extends economic olive branch after veto
Hong Kong's leader extended an olive branch of economic stimulus to the city a day after lawmakers vetoed a Beijing-backed electoral reform package, a move economists warned could undermine business in the Asian financial hub.
Chief Executive CY Leung said he would bring a series of economic initiatives to lawmakers next week, and called for their support.
Democratic lawmakers had been filibustering all budget items during the city's pro-democracy protests, holding up funding for a variety of slated projects. Leung said that a continuation of such actions would hurt the community.
"It's time for all of us to move on," Leung told reporters. "We should try to forge consensus on various economic and livelihood issues."
Lawmakers yesterday ended a long-running debate on political reform in the city with a veto, a rare instance of the former British colony voting against a proposal endorsed by China's central legislature.
Economists at ANZ had warned that such a move could cause political instability and hurt business as foreign investors might put their China headquarters in Shanghai or Shenzhen instead of Hong Kong.
Fitch Ratings said that Hong Kong's economic concerns were significant from a sovereign credit perspective. It also needed to pay attention to its growing exposure to mainland China's financial system and to U.S. monetary tightening, as well as an ageing population, housing and infrastructure and social inequality.
Leung said his economic proposals would include better pay for civil servants, more homes for the elderly and additional funding for recycling and small and medium businesses.
Hong Kong vetoes China-backed electoral reform proposal
HONG KONG | BY DONNY KWOK AND YIMOU LEE
Hong Kong's legislature on Thursday vetoed a China-backed electoral reform package criticized by opposition pro-democracy lawmakers and activists as undemocratic, easing for now the prospect of fresh mass protests in the financial hub.
The rejection had been expected and will likely appease some activists who had demanded a veto of what they call a "fake" democratic model for how the Chinese-controlled territory chooses its next leader in 2017.
But it was a setback for Beijing's Communist leaders, who said in response that they remained committed to universal suffrage for Hong Kong but signaled no further concessions to the pro-democracy opposition.
Beijing had pressured and cajoled the city's pro-democracy lawmakers to back the blueprint that would have allowed a direct vote for the city's chief executive, but with only pre-screened, pro-Beijing candidates on the ballot.
The vote came earlier than expected, with only 37 of the 70 members of the Legislative Council, known as "legco", present. Of these, 28 legislators voted against the blueprint and eight voted in favor, while one did not cast a vote.
"Today 28 legco members voted against the wishes of the majority of Hong Kong people, and denied them the democratic right to elect the chief executive in the next election," said the city's current pro-Beijing leader Leung Chun-ying.
"Universal suffrage for the chief executive election has now been blocked. Universal suffrage to elect all members of legco has also become uncertain. I, the government and millions of Hong Kong people are disappointed."
A spokesman for China's top legislative body, the National People's Congress (NPC), said a few Hong Kong lawmakers remained "stubbornly opposed" to the central government.
"It fully exposes their selfish interests, hinders Hong Kong's democratic development and damages the essence of Hong Kong's prosperity and stability," the spokesman said, in comments carried by state news agency Xinhua.
"VICTORY OF DEMOCRACY"
In an unexpected twist, moments before the ballot a large number of pro-establishment and pro-Beijing lawmakers suddenly walked out of the chamber. The votes of one-third of legco members are sufficient to push through a veto.
Democratic lawmakers, all 27 of whom voted against the plan, marched to the front of the chamber immediately after the veto and unfurled a sign calling for genuine universal suffrage and for Hong Kongers not to give up.
Some carried the yellow umbrellas that became a symbol of the mass protest movement that brought parts of the former British colony to a standstill last year.
"This veto has helped Hong Kong people send a clear message to Beijing ... that we want a genuine choice, a real election," said pan-democratic lawmaker Alan Leong.
"This is not the end of the democratic movement," he said. "This is a new beginning."
Outside the legislature, pro-democracy protesters broke into cheers and clapped wildly after the result.
"It's a victory of democracy and the people," said a 75-year-old pro-democracy protester surnamed Wong, who fought back tears.
Meanwhile, around 500 pro-Beijing supporters outside the chamber staged a minute's silence then began chanting: "Vote them down in 2016!" calling for democratic lawmakers to be kicked out of the legislature in a citywide election next year.
Hundreds of police were in and around government headquarters with thousands more on standby, but there were no reports of trouble.
Weeks of pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong late last year posed one of the biggest challenges in years for China's ruling Communist Party. Then, more than 100,000 people took to the streets.
ONLY OPTION
The reform proposal was laid out by the NPC Standing Committee in Beijing last August and supported by Hong Kong's pro-Beijing leadership.
Opponents, however, want a genuine democratic election in line with Beijing's promise of universal suffrage made when the territory returned to Chinese rule in 1997.
Rejection of the proposal now means going back to the old system where a 1,200-member committee stacked with pro-Beijing loyalists selects Hong Kong's leader.
Democratic lawmakers want on Beijing to restart the democratic reform process and put forward an improved, truly democratic electoral package.
But the NPC spokesman indicated that would not happen, saying that Beijing's proposal was a "constitutional, lawful, fair and reasonable" decision. "It is legally binding and unshakeable," he said.
Hong Kong lawmaker Michael Tien said that meant the rejected blueprint remained the only option. "It's very simple. They put forward a proposal. The legislature for this term vetoed it," he said.
"Next year is legco elections. The power is now in the hands of the voters. If the voters really want the current package they would then have to choose candidates that will support this package in the next term."
(Additional reporting by James Pomfret, Clare Baldwin, Twinnie Siu, Saikat Chatterjee, Farah Master, Venus Wu, Viola Zhou, Shan Kao and Michelle China in HONG KONG, David Brunnstrom in WASHINGTON and Ben Blanchard and Sui-Lee Wee in BEIJING; Writing by Anne Marie Roantree; Editing by Alex Richardson)
Hong Kong vetoes China-backed electoral reform proposal
HONG KONG | BY DONNY KWOK AND YIMOU LEE
Hong Kong's legislature on Thursday vetoed a China-backed electoral reform package criticized by opposition pro-democracy lawmakers and activists as undemocratic, easing for now the prospect of fresh mass protests in the financial hub.
The rejection had been expected and will likely appease some activists who had demanded a veto of what they call a "fake" democratic model for how the Chinese-controlled territory chooses its next leader in 2017.
But it was a setback for Beijing's Communist leaders, who said in response that they remained committed to universal suffrage for Hong Kong but signaled no further concessions to the pro-democracy opposition.
Beijing had pressured and cajoled the city's pro-democracy lawmakers to back the blueprint that would have allowed a direct vote for the city's chief executive, but with only pre-screened, pro-Beijing candidates on the ballot.
The vote came earlier than expected, with only 37 of the 70 members of the Legislative Council, known as "legco", present. Of these, 28 legislators voted against the blueprint and eight voted in favor, while one did not cast a vote.
"Today 28 legco members voted against the wishes of the majority of Hong Kong people, and denied them the democratic right to elect the chief executive in the next election," said the city's current pro-Beijing leader Leung Chun-ying.
"Universal suffrage for the chief executive election has now been blocked. Universal suffrage to elect all members of legco has also become uncertain. I, the government and millions of Hong Kong people are disappointed."
A spokesman for China's top legislative body, the National People's Congress (NPC), said a few Hong Kong lawmakers remained "stubbornly opposed" to the central government.
"It fully exposes their selfish interests, hinders Hong Kong's democratic development and damages the essence of Hong Kong's prosperity and stability," the spokesman said, in comments carried by state news agency Xinhua.
"VICTORY OF DEMOCRACY"
In an unexpected twist, moments before the ballot a large number of pro-establishment and pro-Beijing lawmakers suddenly walked out of the chamber. The votes of one-third of legco members are sufficient to push through a veto.
Democratic lawmakers, all 27 of whom voted against the plan, marched to the front of the chamber immediately after the veto and unfurled a sign calling for genuine universal suffrage and for Hong Kongers not to give up.
Some carried the yellow umbrellas that became a symbol of the mass protest movement that brought parts of the former British colony to a standstill last year.
"This veto has helped Hong Kong people send a clear message to Beijing ... that we want a genuine choice, a real election," said pan-democratic lawmaker Alan Leong.
"This is not the end of the democratic movement," he said. "This is a new beginning."
Outside the legislature, pro-democracy protesters broke into cheers and clapped wildly after the result.
"It's a victory of democracy and the people," said a 75-year-old pro-democracy protester surnamed Wong, who fought back tears.
Meanwhile, around 500 pro-Beijing supporters outside the chamber staged a minute's silence then began chanting: "Vote them down in 2016!" calling for democratic lawmakers to be kicked out of the legislature in a citywide election next year.
Hundreds of police were in and around government headquarters with thousands more on standby, but there were no reports of trouble.
Weeks of pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong late last year posed one of the biggest challenges in years for China's ruling Communist Party. Then, more than 100,000 people took to the streets.
ONLY OPTION
The reform proposal was laid out by the NPC Standing Committee in Beijing last August and supported by Hong Kong's pro-Beijing leadership.
Opponents, however, want a genuine democratic election in line with Beijing's promise of universal suffrage made when the territory returned to Chinese rule in 1997.
Rejection of the proposal now means going back to the old system where a 1,200-member committee stacked with pro-Beijing loyalists selects Hong Kong's leader.
Democratic lawmakers want on Beijing to restart the democratic reform process and put forward an improved, truly democratic electoral package.
But the NPC spokesman indicated that would not happen, saying that Beijing's proposal was a "constitutional, lawful, fair and reasonable" decision. "It is legally binding and unshakeable," he said.
Hong Kong lawmaker Michael Tien said that meant the rejected blueprint remained the only option. "It's very simple. They put forward a proposal. The legislature for this term vetoed it," he said.
"Next year is legco elections. The power is now in the hands of the voters. If the voters really want the current package they would then have to choose candidates that will support this package in the next term."
(Additional reporting by James Pomfret, Clare Baldwin, Twinnie Siu, Saikat Chatterjee, Farah Master, Venus Wu, Viola Zhou, Shan Kao and Michelle China in HONG KONG, David Brunnstrom in WASHINGTON and Ben Blanchard and Sui-Lee Wee in BEIJING; Writing by Anne Marie Roantree; Editing by Alex Richardson)
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