2015年6月30日 星期二

POST REFORM VOTE:DAY 12 (30-06-2015)











Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.



Umbrella Movement



The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.


Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.


Hong Kong reform vote


Hong Kong reform vote

The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.


POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 197

POST REFORM VOTEDAY 12

Full coverage of the day’s events on 30-06





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Leung keeps focus on livelihood matters



Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying re-iterated today comments he made immediately after the failed vote on political reforms that Hong Kong should move on.

The Government can not carry on pushing one issue, he said. 

“I believe that it is the common wish of the people of Hong Kong, of Hong Kong SAR Government and the central authorities, that we should move on, that we should focus on other important areas that Hong Kong faces, including questions of land development, housing, medical care, education, ageing society and so on, so forth.’’



Attack `chills heart' of Scholarism convener

圖左:黃之鋒,圖右:錢詩文

Student leader Joshua Wong Chi-fung said the attack on him and his girlfriend on Sunday night sent a "chill to my heart."

The convener of Scholarism was walking to Mong Kok MTR station with his girlfriend, Tiffany Chin Sze-man, at around midnight when an unknown man and woman in their 20s stopped them near Elm Street in Tai Kok Tsui. The man grabbed Wong's neck, punched his face and knocked him to the ground.

"Being attacked on the way home after going on a date, and even attacking my girlfriend, it's shameful," Wong, 18, wrote on Facebook.

Chin tried to video the incident but was knocked to the ground and suffered minor leg injuries.

Wong later uploaded a picture of himself with minor cuts to his face, including his nose, eyebrow and cheek. He also posted pictures of the suspect running away.

"[The assault] implies activists are facing the danger of attacks in their daily lives, not only during protests. This is what sends a chill to my heart," Wong wrote. "It's not only a problem with universal suffrage it's about the limited freedom and the legal system slowly being obliterated by these violent acts ... The road ahead is long and tough, but we should retain our goal and keep walking on this bumpy road of democracy."Democratic Party lawmaker James To Kun-sun, of the Legislative Council security panel, condemned the attack and urged police to investigate thoroughly.


No arrests had been made by last night.




EJ Insight





06月30日 後佔中第197天 否決政改方案後第12天

0630 後佔中第197
否決政改方案後第12





佔區案件定罪率僅36%
脫罪市民斥警濫捕 「發洩喺我哋身上」





雨傘運動前後共1,003人被捕,但根據法庭資料,至今只有124宗案件被起訴,成功定罪比率約三成半,其餘大多因證據不足獲撤銷控罪,或警方證供被法官質疑,裁定罪名不成立。這些脫罪個案中,有路經佔領區的普通市民,無故被警察拘捕致骨裂;有市民質疑「警察將自己無能嘅一面發洩喺普通市民身上」。他們即使最終獲洗脫罪名,身心卻已烙下傷痕。
記者:梁御和

無悔上前質疑執法

「如果我唔企出嚟(受訪),即係認同警察咁做(濫捕)。」梁偉文站在旺角彌敦道說。半年前,他在同一位置被無理拘捕,過程中被警察指插雙眼,再反鎖雙手致左手腕骨裂。梁當日被帶回警署,扣留45小時後即時提堂,被控襲警。
數日後,一段由市民拍到的影片上載到互聯網,片段中警察在後方推着途人催促前行,其間梁的同行友人說了一句「行緊啦,唔好推啦」,白衣警官即衝前將他拉出馬路按倒在地,梁上前欲理論,即被3至4名警員箍頸拉出馬路按地拘捕,片段在網上瘋傳。一個月後,梁再就案件上庭,獲告知律政司已撤銷他控罪。
「真係冇諗過(被拘捕),我只係同朋友落旺角買完嘢飲完糖水,無啦啦就俾個差佬拉我出去話我襲警,之後拘留我48小時,仲要上埋庭。」梁認為警察濫捕是想阻嚇,「想其他人知道,你夠膽出去,我哋警方就係會咁樣『執法』。」問他會否因此被嚇怕,梁想了一想說:「再有同一個環境,我依然會上前質問佢(警察)。」

堆砌罪名藉機圍毆

「佢哋(警察)會大嗌一啲亂咁噏嘅嘢,例如『非禮Madam』、『搶槍』,堆砌罪名方便佢做嘢。」社運人士陳白山在去年9月29日晚,和同伴在龍和道說了一句「點解警車停車唔熄匙?」隨即被20多名警員包圍盤問,其中一名警察突然大叫「有刀」,隨即將他推向鐵欄拘捕,再捉上警車拳打腳踢,事後他身體多處受傷。
上庭時,警方供稱「如英國紳士般以禮相待」地向陳白山解釋警車有權不熄匙,並要求陳出示身份證,惟遭對方拳打胸口一下。不過法官質疑有關供詞「難以令人相信」,指陳的傷勢比警員嚴重,相信是受警方襲擊所致;而警察要求陳出示身份證時沒有法律基礎,陳沒義務交出,裁定罪名不成立。
陳白山去年9月被捕,至今年3月才再被正式落案起訴。他指政府對待雨傘運動被捕者,大部份也是先經警察「拉咗先,落咗簿先」,律政署事後才逐個篩選,「概括講唔係警察責任,而係律政署事後翻拉、畀壓力警察夾口供」。

政府阻嚇市民上街

「𠵱家係(警察)捉咗你先,你自己要再諗一個理由點解佢唔應該告我,呢個係乜世界?」張家恆在旺角清場當日於現場觀察警察拆鐵馬,至尾段欲離開時,警察卻將行人路及馬路包圍,並衝前將他按地拘捕,「連行人路上面睇熱鬧嘅師奶都拉埋」。張連同一行32人被控妨礙公職人員及藐視法庭,代表律師認為當局濫告,有違一罪兩檢原則,1月時法庭批准撤銷眾人妨礙公職人員罪名,當中9人直接獲撤銷所有控罪;至4月,他也獲告知律政司已撤銷他所有控罪。
他批評當局浪費市民時間及公帑,「(律政司)頭尾搞你接近100日」。張指政府明顯是政治打壓,希望阻嚇市民上街。

上庭應訊精神折磨

「究竟有冇既定準則監管佢哋(警察)所做嘅嘢?」李展雄自認是「黃絲帶」,也有去過金鐘佔領區聲援,卻沒想過因襲警被捕,4個月間備受上庭應訊的精神折磨。
警方指控稱,在亞皆老街拘捕另一被告翁健詠時,在旁的李展雄欲出手營救,並拳打警察胸口4下。事後翁及李分別找到網上影片,顯示兩人是在不同時間被捕,翁被捕時,李根本不在其身旁,證明警方供詞矛盾。律政司其後決定撤控。
「佢哋根本搞唔清楚邊個打邊個,只係亂咁捉一、兩個去告。」李稱,事後對警察失去信心,「真係有罪案發生嗰陣,(警察)係唔係真係保護到市民?定係將自己無能嘅一面發洩喺普通市民身上?」
李展雄從不參與集會,直至看到黃之鋒在9月26日衝入公民廣場,才突然醒覺。他說未來仍會參與抗爭,惟角色需調整,「唔會企咁前,候審時嗰種精神壓力,其他人唔會感受到」。



張曉明:自動收聲不再談政改




中聯辦主任張曉明在政改大比數否決後,昨日首次露面出席公開活動,他致辭時帶笑稱:「我講香港政改的問題也講得比較多,該講的都講了,所以我想從今日起我自動收聲,不再在公開的場合談論政改的議題。」中大政治與行政學系副教授馬嶽指,張曉明由指點政改變自動收聲,是試圖淡化建制派在政改表決甩轆問題,轉而在選舉打民生牌。

淡化建制派甩轆問題

政改方案在12日前以8票贊成及28票反對被否決,張曉明昨出席香港各界國慶籌委會成立大會,開腔批評反對派綑綁否決政改方案,指投反對票的立法會議員要負不可推卸的歷史責任。他又認為在後政改時期,全社會都應齊心協力支持特區政府,把施政的重心轉移到發展經濟及改善民生上。

張曉明過去屢次點評政改,例如讚揚政改方案是「靚女」、在報章撰文指普選方案是香港史上最民主制度等,他昨卻帶笑稱,前一階段講政改問題講得比較多,今日起自動收聲,引來台下一陣笑聲。他和全國政協副主席董建華昨離場時均自動收聲,未有回應記者提問,包括是否中央要求他收聲。

馬嶽認為,張曉明想配合梁振英轉型路線講民生,「佢覺得佢唔講就唔可能重啟議題,亦淡化大家再去講建制派甩轆問題」。他分析,區議會選舉在即,建制派因甩轆無法再以「票債票償」攻擊泛民,故轉講民生會較有利,今次亦趁機向泛民表明態度不會重啟政改。但馬嶽質疑:「我都懷疑佢未必忍到口?佢慣咗指指點點,尤其泛民有動作或聲明,佢係咪唔還擊呢?」














順時序記錄





























2015年6月29日 星期一

POST REFORM VOTE:DAY 11 (29-06-2015)











Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.



Umbrella Movement



The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.


Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.


Hong Kong reform vote


Hong Kong reform vote

The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.


POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 195

POST REFORM VOTEDAY 11

Full coverage of the day’s events on 29-06





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Repercussions of the botched vote on constitutional reform proposal


A week has passed since the constitutional reform proposal was put to the vote. However, the earth-shattering fiasco involving pro-establishment lawmakers continues to have repercussions, with Jasper Tsang, the Legco president who enjoys the greatest popularity within the pro-establishment camp, being mired in the controversy. Questions are being asked as to whether Tsang has betrayed the principle of objectivity he should adhere to. It remains to be seen whether Tsang can withstand the pressure and stay on as Legco president.

On the day of the vote, Tsang rejected lawmaker Jeffrey Lam's request that the meeting be adjourned, and let the vote proceed in accordance with proper procedure. He was praised on all sides for remaining impartial and defending the integrity of the political system. However, according to messages from a WhatsApp chat group belonging to pro-establishment lawmakers which have been brought to light by the media, Tsang engaged in the discussion. His participation was so active and his comments were so influential as to be in conflict with the objectivity expected from him. It is reasonable to doubt whether Tsang was favouring the pro-establishment lawmakers and failed to remain fair and impartial.

Tsang has explained that he discussed with pro-establishment lawmakers in the WhatsApp chat group to help conduct the meeting so that it would run smoothly and pass off well. He has added that he wanted to prevent the vote from being held at night, which would have heightened the risk of confrontations outside the Legco building. His intentions might be justifiable. Still, his comments in the chat group were intended to serve strategic and guiding purposes and had unmatched value and authority. Tsang even advised his colleagues not to press buttons, but to put up their hands, if they wanted to speak. Instead of merely exchanging information with lawmakers, Tsang was acting like a mentor. Furthermore, after pan-democrats had informed him of their plans to display a banner after the vote and adjournment, Tsang relayed the news, in the WhatsApp chat group, to pro-establishment lawmakers. By doing so Tsang was divulging the pan-democrats' game plan to pro-establishment lawmakers, which was not an appropriate thing to do.

The leaked messages have further confirmed that the idea of "waiting for Uncle Fat" was not mentioned in the chat group. Judging from what was broadcast live on TV and the body language and responses of other legislators, it is clear that Jeffrey Lam made the spur-of-the-moment decision, left his seat and approached other lawmakers. In other words, the botched walkout was started by him. Knowing that the damage was done, pro-establishment lawmakers issued a joint apology, with some of them shedding tears and the others reproaching themselves. But it is the blame-shifting that has dominated the scene, with even brothers crossing swords with each other. Obviously, in the pro-establishment camp, there is a lack of coordination and everyone has an axe to grind. That the constitutional reform proposal received only eight votes of support has angered citizens to the core. But up to now, there has been no one to come forward and shoulder the responsibility. A week after the botched vote, there is still not a way for citizens to vent their disappointment and despair.

It is almost certain that the messages of the pro-establishment camp were leaked by an insider, whose motives and aims cannot possibly be determined. Still, the affair has the effect of embroiling Tsang into the controversy and provoking even more conjectures and thoughts about the botched vote. The pro-establishment camp is falling apart at the seams. The new development will only add to the bad feeling between pro-establishment lawmakers, making it even more difficult for them to cooperate in future.


表決甩轆持續發酵 整體建制付出代價


政改表決到今日滿一星期,建制派議員的「驚天大甩轆」事態仍然繼續燃燒,陣營內民望最高的立法會主席曾鈺成也陷身泥淖。他被質疑違背了主席應該恪守的中立原則,能否頂住壓力,保住主席之位,仍待事態發展。

表決當日,曾鈺成拒絕林健鋒議員提出休會的要求,讓表決按序進行,被認為做到鐵面無私,維護了體制,各方予以肯定。不過,據傳媒披露建制派WhatsApp群組的對話內容,曾鈺成的參與程度和「發言」分量,與他身為立法會主席應該保持中立角色,有衝突之嫌,是否偏幫建制派,未能做到公平公正,確有爭議和值得商榷之處。

曾鈺成表示與建制派在WhatsApp群組交流信息,目的為幫助主持會議,使會議順利進行以至完成,及避免在晚上表決以增加衝突風險,云云;即使出發點無可厚非,不過曾鈺成的對話內容具策略性和指導性,發言質素和權威並非其他建制派議員可比擬。另外,他還「教導」建制派盡量避免按發言掣,要發言就舉手等,這已是臨場指揮,並非純粹信息交流了。還有是泛民議員把表決休會後要在會議廳內拉橫額的部署通知了曾鈺成,他卻把這項信息知會建制派群組;作為主席,這個做法宛如披露了泛民部署的「情報」,不能說妥當。

從建制派WhatsApp群組對話內容,可以進一步確立一點,就是對話沒有提及所謂「等埋發叔」,而從電視直播畫面看來,林健鋒議員的臨時起意,然後離開座位聯絡個別議員、加上其他議員的身體語言和應對,可以確定「表決甩轆一幕」,林健鋒是始作俑者。甩轆無可挽回之後,建制派集體道歉,然後哭的哭、自責的自責,可是在他們之間卻更多的是相互推諉責任,連兄弟也隔空罵戰,充分顯示各自為政、各懷鬼胎的真實景况。至於民間對表決只有8票支持通過政改方案,憤怒至極,卻未見有人需要為事態實質負責,失望和沮喪情緒,一個星期都未有渠道紓解。

建制派WhatsApp群組對話內容曝光,幾可肯定是內鬼所為,泄秘者的動機和目的無從猜測。不過,客觀效果是把曾鈺成扯落水,引發對表決甩轆有更多猜測聯想,使千瘡百孔的建制派更難癒合,芥蒂更深,為日後合作添加難度。








Young blood wanted to fill Tong seat



A new face from the Civic Party is likely to contest the by-election to fill the seat left vacant by Ronny Tong Ka-wah, with party chairwoman Audrey Eu Yuet-mee playing down suggestions she might run.


Eu said yesterday young talents should stand up to the challenge and the party will be selecting a candidate through an established mechanism.

Party leader Alan Leong Kah-kit said interested members could submit their applications to a three- man team, adding it would be favorable to let second-generation party members contest the by- election. People Power lawmaker Albert Chan Wai- yip has called upon the party's heavyweights such as Eu and Margaret Ng Ngoi-yee to run.

In the RTHK program, Letter to Hong Kong, Tong said it is necessary to mend the rift caused by the failure of the political reform package

He said there are three rifts between the SAR government and Legislative Council, and more specifically, the pan-democrats; in the community; and, the most difficult to mend, that between the Beijing and the pan-democrats.

At the heart of the matter is a huge difference in appreciation and expectations of one country, two systems, and the Basic Law, he said.

"We have to learn to tolerate, be inclusive and appreciate a compromise means there will be give and take. Since Hong Kong is a part of China and the Basic Law stipulates that the central government has a constitutional role to play, we cannot try to exclude that role in the name of democracy," Tong said.

Meanwhile, the row between pro-establishment brothers Michael Tien Puk-sun and James Tien Pei- chun has yet to end.

In a TVB program, On the Record, Michael Tien used the proverb "it's brave to admit your shame [wrongdoing]" when he suggested the Liberal Party and his older brother should review what they did.

By insisting they had done nothing wrong by staying in the Legco chamber for the reform vote, the party is not helping to rebuild unity in the pro- establishment camp, he said.

But he defended his brother over the "pig" joke, saying it was initiated by young Liberal Party members rather than the elder Tien.

In a Facebook post on the day of voting, James Tien uploaded a pig's picture, hinting that those who joined the walkout were stupid.

In RTHK's weekly City Forum, Michael Tien and unionist Wong Kwok-kin bowed to the public to apologize for their walkout.



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