02月01日後佔中第48天

Editorial Pan-democrats should advance the cause of democracy	明報社評政府構思謀通過方案泛民應藉機推進民主
THE GOVERNMENT, floating a trial balloon to test pan-democrats' reactions, has suggested stating in its constitutional reform proposal that specific improvements may be made to the arrangements for the election of the Chief Executive (CE) by universal suffrage in 2022, trying to gain their support for the proposal. However, the pan-democrats have reiterated that they will veto any constitutional reform proposal based on the framework adopted by the National People's Congress on August 31 last year.	政府拋出試探氣球，以在政改方案列明2022年特首普選安排可以具體優化，換取泛民議員支持通過政改方案。不過，泛民議員再度表明按全國人大常委會8．31框架而提出的政改方案，他們都會否決。
Despite the deadlock in constitutional reform, some committed individuals are still attempting to advance the cause of democracy. Albert Chen, a member of the Basic Law Committee and a professor at the HKU Faculty of Law, is still vigorously promoting his proposal of allowing the public to render the CE election invalid by casting blank votes. Ronny Tong, once dejected about the constitutional reform issue, has declared, once again, that if it is promised that all functional constituencies will be abolished and all Legco members will be returned by universal suffrage, he will try to persuade citizens to accept the constitutional reform proposal even if it is based on the August 31 framework. Meanwhile the government has proposed that, if pan-democrats support its proposal, it will consider stating clearly in the proposal that the arrangements for the 2022 CE election can be amended in line with the actual situation in Hong Kong (e.g. by expanding the nominating committee or increasing the number of candidates). The government's hope is that the pro-democracy lawmakers will reconsider their position.	政改陷於僵局，有心人仍然試圖推進民主進程。基本法委員會委員、港大法律學院教授陳弘毅積極宣講他的「白票守尾門」等概念，本來對政改已經心灰意冷的湯家驊議員，再度提出若爭取到立法會取消功能組別，全部議席由普選產生，則他會嘗試說服市民接受8．31框架的政改方案。政府提出若泛民支持政改，會考慮在普選方案列明2022年特首普選安排，可按本港實際情况修改，包括增加提名委員人數及候選人數目，目的是期望泛民議員回心轉意。
Chen's and Tong's suggestions have met with mostly criticisms from pan-democrats and apathy from establishmentarians. Still, their will to try to maximise democracy within the confines of reality should be commended. The trial balloon floated by the government, on the other hand, has been greeted with derision by pan-democrats. They queried why the government, instead of engaging in discussion with them in an open and above-board manner, should have made noises about those suggestions while staying behind the doors. They even rejected the government's suggestions later on the grounds that they were based on the August 31 framework. They have expressed, in a harsh tone, their unwillingness to engage in any discussion with the government concerning the August 31 framework, while some lawmakers are becoming more and more sarcastic, trying to incite citizens to oppose the constitutional reform proposal. Their thinking and arguments are becoming increasingly irrational.	陳弘毅和湯家驊的建議，在泛民陣營受批評的多，在建制陣營則遭遇冷對；即使如此，仍然不能抹殺他們在現實局限下，意圖爭取最大程度民主的心志。政府的試探氣球，先是遭到泛民揶揄，指政府為何躲在幕後放風，而非光明正大提出來討論，其後更以8．31框架為由而拒絕政府建議。凡是涉及8．31框架的討論，泛民議員都厲言峻拒，而且個別議員的言辭愈來愈尖酸刻薄，意圖藉此鼓動市民反對政改方案；如此操作，與理性思考、理性判斷，漸行漸遠。
The pan-democrat lawmakers' relentless attack on the August 31 framework can be interpreted as an attempt to seize the moral high ground and snatch political advantage. However, many surveys on the August 31 framework have shown that citizens who support the adoption of the framework outnumber those who think it should be rejected. Earlier this month, at a time when the government launched the second round of consultation on constitutional reform and the Occupy movement had just come to an end, a survey conducted by the HKU Public Opinion Programme and commissioned by this newspaper showed that 56 percent of respondents believed the framework should be adopted, as opposed to 34 percent of those who thought it shouldn't. Pan-democratic lawmakers might think that their opposition to the constitutional reform proposal is supported by the majority of Hong Kong people. These surveys have suggested otherwise.	泛民議員死盯8．31框架不放，或許他們認為此乃佔據道德高地，可攫取政治利益。然而，關於8．31框架，歷來許多的民意調查都發現，認同「袋住先」的市民都多過認為應該否決方案的市民。即使本月初政府啟動第二輪政改諮詢，時值佔領行動結束未幾，本報委託港大民意研究計劃所作的調查，認同「袋住先」的受訪者有56%、反對通過方案的為34%。從這些數字看來，若泛民議員認為否決方案是代表主流民意，民調顯示市民的抉擇取捨卻非如此。
If the constitutional reform proposal is vetoed, the election of the CE by registered or eligible voters in a "one person, one vote" manner will not be possible in 2017. And the return of all Legco members by universal suffrage will become impossibly distant. We won't see the day when democracy sprouts and takes root in Hong Kong. The government's hope is that the election of the CE by universal suffrage will be implemented in 2017. The pan-democrats should take this as a chance to advance the cause of democracy. As the government has put forward its suggestions, the pan-democrats can lay down some conditions in return. Things can move forward as long as both sides are willing to engage in concrete discussion of the matter.	若否決了政改方案，不僅無法於2017年實現已登記、或合資格選民一人一票選出特首，立法會普選也遙遙無期，根本看不到民主何時會在香港萌芽和落地生根。職是之故，既然政府期望落實2017年特首普選，泛民應該視之為推進民主的機會；政府提出了建議，泛民也可以開條件，只要雙方有意願去實質討論，就有可能推動事態向前發展。

順時序記錄

13:00

民陣 2015年2月1日大遊行主題為｢唔要假民主我要真普選｣，現於維多利亞公園網球場旁準備出發。

13:15 [遊行集合處 ]

民陣是日下午1時30分舉行廷期的元旦遊行，預定1時30分集體。維園草地現場所見參與人數不多，外傭反而更多。
人潮慢慢增多，但相比昔日民陣大遊行於集合時間前已人山人海，今次的集合情況明顯較慢。

13:30 銅鑼灣

維園草坪陸續有遊行人示聚集，準備兩點出發。

14:03 大埔

「本土民主連綫」和「正義聯盟」在大埔站A出口擺街站。

14:00 [民陣遊行一片黃海]

民連遊行即將由維園出發，現場一片由黃傘構成的黃海。前立會議員李柱銘剛於台上表示，在場的市民亦是同路人，一起爭取真普選。而民陣亦呼籲市民登記及做義工，並在沿途有4個街站讓市民登記做義工及派發選民登記表。

14:00 民陣遊行-灣仔

【團體擺設街站表達不同訴求】
是日由民間人權陣線的遊行，各個團體在附近的道路擺設街站，包括街工，傘落社區及環保觸覺等等。訴求包括反對第三條跑道，呼籲登記做選民及派發單張等等

現時遊行路線之道路已經封閉。

14:20 銅鑼灣

遊行隊伍從維園草坪出發，高叫"我要真普選！梁振英下台！"

14:28 銅鑼灣

有監警會成員在維多利亞公園監察遊行過程。

14:33 大埔

警察組成人鏈分隔「本土民主前綫」和「正義聯盟」

14:30 [民連遊行全民開講市民狂轟政改建制]

民陣遊行隊頭已在十數分鐘前開始離開維園草地，民連於旁的講台開設「全民開講」，讓有意上台市民發表見。有市民狂轟假普選及建制派，甚至提到某政黨有議員北上尋歡，而數落建制派的操守。現在所見，市民並不活躍參與「全民開講」，台上主持於未有市民上台時需要唱歌以充時間。