Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.

Umbrella Movement

The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.

Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in ...

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 143:

Full coverage of the day’s events on 07-05

Leung meets US lawmakers

Chief Executive, Leung Chun-ying, met a visiting United States Congressional delegation led by Congressman Matt Salmon at his office today to exchange views on issues of mutual concern.

Leung said that Hong Kong has been maintaining a close economic and trade relationship with the US and that leveraging on the advantages under the “One Country, Two Systems" arrangement, Hong Kong could act as the "super-connector" in linking the US to the markets in the mainland and across Asia. He encouraged more US companies to invest in the city, and said he hoped that both sides would continue their frequent exchanges and co-operation on all fronts.
Leung and the US Congressional delegation also exchanged views on Hong Kong's constitutional development. He reiterated that the proposals by the Government for selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage strictly complied with the Basic Law and the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress.

Lu Ping and his legacy

LU PING, former director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office (HKMAO), has died after an illness. A long-time participant in Hong Kong and Macao affairs, he played a part in and witnessed Hong Kong's smooth return to Chinese sovereignty, one of the greatest achievements of his life.

Lu was made responsible for Hong Kong affairs before the Cultural Revolution had even begun, and was then subordinate to Liao Chengzhi. Towards the end of the 1970s, the Beijing government set up the HKMAO, and Lu was one of its members. Before China and Britain had even opened negotiations on the future of Hong Kong, Lu helped draft the document outlining the guiding principles of Hong Kong's handover policy. They are the so-called twelve policies. The question of Hong Kong was, to a large extent, tackled and resolved within the framework established by those policies.

Lu later took part in (and sometimes took charge of) the Sino-British negotiations and the drafting of the Basic Law, and was witness to the turbulence of Hong Kong's transition. The huge responsibilities Lu shouldered as HKMAO director were made even more evident when Chris Patten, Hong Kong's last governor, started stirring up trouble after setting foot in Hong Kong, ruining the consensus that had been reached by the two countries and destroying the "through train" arrangements intended for Hong Kong's smooth transition. The Beijing authorities, anxious to make sure that Hong Kong's transition and handover would be smooth and steady, were left with no choice but to go back to the drawing board and start afresh, the products being the Preliminary Working Committee, the Preparatory Committee, and the Provisional Legislative Council. Lu was facing such an arduous task that he didn't have enough time to take care of himself after he was diagnosed with gastric cancer.

Lu's passing has brought back many people's memories of interactions with him. He is best remembered for his willingness to communicate. "One Country, Two Systems" is a self-contradictory concept. Lu's negotiation skills were on full display when he reconciled the disagreements between the different sides at a time when questions were asked as to how the concept could be turned into concrete laws. The drafting of the Basic Law, in particular, was faced with huge challenges, and there were large differences between the situation of mainland China and that of Hong Kong. According to a democrat who was a member of the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee, though Lu had a tough side to him, he was willing to cooperate with Hong Kong members of the committee. The democrat also remembers Lu encouraging him to strive for Hong Kong's better future and telling him not to feel daunted by the opposing views from other members of the committee.

To sum it up, the Beijing authorities' special policy towards Hong Kong is one intended to preserve the city's particularity. The implementation of "One Country, Two Systems" was planned around 30 years ago. It was a completely original concept, and there was no prior experience to rely on. Those who took part in the tasks (or took charge of them) were executing the policies of the central government. But things could have gone awry easily if they had not been fully aware of the spirit and essence of the policy.

Lu's work concerning Hong Kong won him universal acclaim. His diligence and determination to reinvigorate our country over its past indignities must have been the things that drove him to constantly rack his brains to get his work done. On the other hand, his technocratic background and his competence also contributed to his achievements. Though Lu has passed away, he still inspires us to institutionalise the training for Hong Kong affairs officials so that they will take charge of (or facilitate) work concerning Hong Kong in a more professional manner after being assigned to the HKMAO or the Liaison Office. This is a topic that merits discussion by the parties concerned.

魯平走了留下哀思對港工作經驗可貴

港澳辦前主任魯平病逝，他長期參與港澳工作，畢生成就之一是參與並見證了香港順利回歸。

文化大革命之前，魯平已經跟隨當時的廖承志處理香港事務。上世紀70年代末北京籌組港澳辦，魯平是成員之一。中英就香港前途問題談判之前，魯平有份參與起草香港回歸政策的原則性文件，就是所謂的對港政策12條；香港問題基本上按12條政策的框架處理和解決。

此後，魯平在中英談判、《基本法》起草，以至過渡時期的大風大浪，他都全程參與或主持工作。特別是末代港督彭定康來港攪局，抹去中英已經達成的共識，拆毀直通車，北京要另起爐灶籌組預委會、籌委會和臨立會等，確保香港順利回歸、平穩過渡；此時身為港澳辦主任的魯平責任重大，工作艱巨得即使病魔侵襲患胃癌，也未有充裕時間治理。

對於他的逝世，不少人都緬懷與他交往的點滴和片段，其中較多人提到的是魯平樂意溝通。「一國兩制」本來就是矛盾的組合，如何把這個概念形成具體可行的法律條文，特別是起草《基本法》面對重大挑戰，當時內地與香港有很大差異，魯平折衝樽俎的功夫，就在調和矛盾之間顯露出來。曾任基本法草委的民主派人士稱，魯平有強硬一面，亦願意與港方草委合作，並憶述魯平曾鼓勵他為香港爭取好的前途，不要因其他草委反對其意見便氣餒，云云。

北京處理香港的特殊方針政策，一言以蔽之，就是要保持香港的獨特性。約30年前策劃實踐「一國兩制」，有關工作屬於原創開拓，並無經驗參考，參與和主持工作的人雖然執行中央政策，可是若非吃透政策精神，知其精義所在，則執行起來難保不會荒腔走板。

魯平在香港工作的成就獲普遍肯定，其個人努力與洗雪國恥的心志，固然是推動他殫精竭慮工作的原因。不過，魯平對港政策的專業技術官僚背景和能力，與他工作上取得成績也有很大關係。魯平走了，他留下的啟示，是如何在制度上培養專注香港事務的官員，讓他們分別在港澳辦和中聯辦更專業的主持或推動香港工作。這個議題，值得有關方面研議。

Dr Spencer Lai (賴鶴明博士)

2015年5月8日星期五