Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 113:
Full coverage of the day’s events on 07-04
Hong Kong post-Occupy young bloods eye up district council elections
In the third of our series on the first citywide polls since the Occupy protest, the Post talks to a new breed of politicians inspired by the sit-ins
Political groups emerging from the Occupy sit-ins are evaluating whether to field candidates in November's district council polls - and whether they can separate themselves enough from the protest movement to be viewed by the electorate as people who could make a difference in community politics.
It's a new breed of politician who are making it clear their vision is not always the same as traditional democratic parties, and some say they won't necessarily conform to the practice of "coordinating" candidates to avoid splitting the pro-democracy vote in some constituencies.
Some of the names of the groups highlight their willingness to ignore convention.
The inspiration behind these groups came from a post that appeared on the online forum hkgolden.com right after the 79-day sit-ins for democracy ended in December. Called the "18-district project", the post aimed to connect people who wanted to explore the possibility of running in the district polls.
About 10 groups aligned to different districts have since set up Facebook pages and begun reaching out to people.
One of them is Tsz Wan Chan Constructive Power, which is looking at Wong Tai Sin council. Currently, the pro-establishment Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong holds lion's share of the 29 council seats.
The new group, most of whom live in the area, comprises about 10 members, one of whom is Brandy Cheng Yuen-ching. "We won't raise yellow umbrellas when we're working because, after all, not everyone supported the protests," said Cheng, 30, referring to the symbol of the Occupy movement. "But it is my belief that everyone has a right in their home affairs, and from there we build up the spirit of democracy."
With Occupy edged out of the manifestos, the focus is on micro-issues within the various neighbourhoods and "nativist" issues, riding on anti-mainland sentiments and Hongkongers' urge to assert their own cultural identity.
North of the Rings, with its name inspired by the Lord of the Rings novel, is working in Sheung Shui and Fanling in North District, which has seen an expansion of shops catering for parallel traders from Shenzhen, most notably pharmacies.
"We hope our district will have more shops that serve the needs of locals," said Man So. So far about five people in this group are considering running. So said they were in touch with mainstream pan-democrats but insisted it was not an affiliate, despite Democrats and the Labour Party already expressing concerns about post-Occupy groups splitting the pan-democrat vote.
"If we believe we have a higher chance of winning in a certain constituency, we would ask them to give way to us," So said.
Another new group, the East Kowloon Community, has its eyes on Kwun Tong District Council. It is drawing residents' attention to a decision by the council - again under DAB control - to build a HK$100 million musical fountain, arguing it is a waste of public money.
So far, none of the new groups has officially declared plans to run in the district polls. As Cheung Long-hin, of East Kowloon Community, said, they are "testing the water".
Tanya Chan, Civic Party vice-chairwoman, has been in touch with some of the groups. She said: "It would be good if they pooled their resources in one district and together think of new ideas on district management and the role of the councils - that way they can breathe new life into the political scene."
Be prepared to be disillusioned, young activists warned
Back in 2003, another mass protest saw fired-up young activists form political groups. A decade on, they are warning newcomers inspired by Occupy to prepare to be disillusioned.
One major weakness of this last wave of groups was their tendency to be so loosely run as to be unsustainable, said Cheng Ki-kin, a founding member of Civic Act-up, which was formed with politician Cyd Ho Sau-lan's support after the half-million-strong rally on July 1, 2003, decrying plans to introduce national security laws.
"Civic Act-up was so loosely organised that you did not feel you were part of it," Cheng, now a Wan Chai district councillor, said. "There was no regular meeting, and it seemed everyone was working independently and separately, especially after the 2003 [district council] elections."
Cheng himself quit Civic Act-up soon after 2003, while Ho now serves as a Labour Party lawmaker after co-founding the new party in 2012.
"A loose organisation is difficult to sustain. You need a clear goal and a road map. Slogans such as genuine democracy are too abstract and clichéd. What is it and how and when this can be achieved? No one seems to know, or care," he said. And the problem was not confined to Civic Act-up. "Many of the young groups were … without a structure and could thus lose direction easily," he added.
Another former activist, Alvin Yeung Ngok-kiu, noted that the leadership in last year's Occupy sit-ins was unclear.
The Federation of Students was one of the main groups that tried to rally the protesters but it was unpopular among some of the young occupiers.
"Being unorganised is perhaps an inevitable result because the rise of the new young groups is due to their mistrust of any organisation," said Yeung, who is now a barrister and chairman of the Civic Party's New Territories East branch. "They do not even want to be represented by the federation."
Yeung was a core member of the now-defunct 7.1 People Pile, a pro-democracy group named after the 2003 big march. Its aim was to push for democracy by keeping up the spirit of "people power" that was demonstrated in the march.
The group fielded three candidates in the 2003 district council polls. All were defeated.
One of those three defeated candidates, Bobo Yip Po-lam, called for patience.
"I appreciate [the new post-Occupy groups'] efforts in trying to change the mindset of the people," said Yip, now a project officer with the Catholic Diocese's justice and peace commission. "But if your aim is to change a culture, you cannot just parachute into a constituency and ask people to vote for you. It takes time to see change. I would say, it may take six years."
Yeung agreed. "District councils are more about neighbourhood issues, not political ideology. You need to be on the spot to serve residents. Simply saying you are pro-democracy won't help much."
Looking back at the 2003 polls, Yeung said it was unfair to judge whether the youth movement at the time was successful or not just by looking at the groups' electoral outcomes.
"On the surface, we lost the elections and many of the groups faded out of the political scene. But the movement had sown the seeds. People have been enlightened and are more willing to fight for their rights by means of mass social movements."
Former Democrat lawmaker faces party probe for urging pan-dems to back reform proposal
Democratic Party central committee member Nelson Wong Sing-chi looks set to face an internal party investigation after he publicly called on pan-democratic lawmakers to back Beijing’s restrictive reform model in exchange for a chance to pick Hong Kong’s chief executive by one man, one vote in 2017.
At least five Democrats – led by district councillor Ted Hui Chi-fung and followed by party veterans Zachary Wong Wai-yin and Josephine Chan Shu-ying – have written to the party’s disciplinary committee regarding Wong’s remarks made on RTHK yesterday, when he urged his allies in the Legislative Council not to vote down the reform plan even though it follows the central government’s framework.
“It’s heartbreaking,” said Zachary Wong, who has known Nelson Wong for decades. “[Nelson] Wong used to be a legislator and I am sure that he fully understands politically what kind of drastic impact his remarks would bring to the party.”
Nelson Wong was the second Democrat after ex-lawmaker Tik Chi-yuen to call on their counterparts in Legco to accept the limited democracy based on Beijing’s framework, which stipulates only two to three hopefuls who win majority support from a 1,200-strong nominating committee can go forward to a public vote.
READ MORE: Pan-dems clash over Beijing's restrictive political reform package for 2017 election
Zachary Wong described the duo as “hermit crabs”, who had taken advantage of the Democratic Party’s name to pursue their own goals.
“No one would care what they say if they were not members of the Democratic Party,” he said. “If there’s such a big discrepancy between their stance and the party’s, then why don’t they simply quit the party and use another capacity to say whatever they want?”
[Nelson] Wong used to be a legislator and I am sure that he fully understands politically what kind of drastic impact his remarks would bring to the party
The duo’s remarks came as some moderate pan-democrats proposed a public petition to exert pressure on the 27 pan-democratic lawmakers to back the reform proposal, which they argued would at least bar incumbent chief executive Leung Chun-ying from a second term.
Wong, who was said to be behind the petition, admitted yesterday he had once discussed it with friends “over a meal” but had yet to decide whether to put it into action.
According to the party’s house rules, a complaint tabled by five members could prompt an investigation by the disciplinary committee, which would determine whether punishment, such as expulsion from the party, was necessary.
It was understood that the complaint was only filed against Nelson Wong but not Tik because the former was a member of the central committee, the party’s decision-making body, while the latter was merely an ordinary member.
Hui said Nelson Wong should abide by the resolution passed by the central committee in February, which states any reform package which fails to offer the public a genuine choice of candidates should be vetoed.
Wong should first discuss his ideas with the party before floating them in public, he added.
Hui also hoped the complaint he made alongside four democrats would clear public confusion and reiterate their party’s stern stance that any election model with political screening was unacceptable.
Rallies for and against law prohibiting insulting police held in Central Hong Kong
Political groups for and against a proposed pro-police law set up booths in Central on Sunday under heavy police presence.
Dozens from both sides gathered at the busy shopping area around Theatre Lane, bidding for public support.
The protests stem from a proposal of criminalising the act of insulting on a police officer on duty.
Pro-Beijing groups Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice Alliance, led by anti-occupy activist Leticia Lee, ran a petition in favour of the proposal outside Gap.
Petition booth for the Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice
The group believes such a law would “maintain security and law and order” and protect the next generation against “brainwashing”.
They pledged their support for the police and vowed to “use the fearless spirit of the police as example”, and “never surrender to any oppressing forces”.
Lee later urged voters to oust pro-democratic lawmakers in the upcoming Legislative Council elections.
Mr. Chow, a bystander in his 60s, however, said the law should not be passed.
“It’s not a matter of respecting authorities. It makes no sense to secure those already in power”, he said. “The law should be safeguarding the ordinary citizens; protecting those authorities is absurd.”
Anti-establishment group Civic Passion set up its booth just 50 metres away at the back door of Abercrombie & Fitch, where members took it in turns to deliver speeches.
The police did not have to intervene in the activities of either party.
“If this law is passed, then Hong Kong will become a true totalitarian state,” one activist said. “This will make Hong Kong more authoritarian, more dictatorial, and will undermine our freedom of speech.”
Another activist expressed his concern that the definition of “insult” will be determined by the officer in question. “If you criticise an officer in whatever context, that itself could be an insult,” he stressed.
The group views such legislation as unnecessary, claiming the police already possess a enough power and authority.
“We criticise the police is because we hope they will improve. There should be no law to protect those in power”, he insists.
The controversy started in 2013 where a pro-Beijing party proposed to address “provocative behaviours against police officers in public meetings” during a Legislative Council panel.
Pro-Beijing groups have since lobbied for a law against nominally insulting police officers to be realised.
Photos: Thomas Chan/Coconuts Media
Dozens from both sides gathered at the busy shopping area around Theatre Lane, bidding for public support.
The protests stem from a proposal of criminalising the act of insulting on a police officer on duty.
A woman is escorted away after arguments erupted with the pro-Beijing group
Pro-Beijing groups Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice Alliance, led by anti-occupy activist Leticia Lee, ran a petition in favour of the proposal outside Gap.
Petition booth for the Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice
They pledged their support for the police and vowed to “use the fearless spirit of the police as example”, and “never surrender to any oppressing forces”.
Lee later urged voters to oust pro-democratic lawmakers in the upcoming Legislative Council elections.
There was a heavy police presence
Mr. Chow, a bystander in his 60s, however, said the law should not be passed.
“It’s not a matter of respecting authorities. It makes no sense to secure those already in power”, he said. “The law should be safeguarding the ordinary citizens; protecting those authorities is absurd.”
Anti-establishment group Civic Passion set up its booth just 50 metres away at the back door of Abercrombie & Fitch, where members took it in turns to deliver speeches.
The police did not have to intervene in the activities of either party.
“If this law is passed, then Hong Kong will become a true totalitarian state,” one activist said. “This will make Hong Kong more authoritarian, more dictatorial, and will undermine our freedom of speech.”
Civic Passion booth
Another activist expressed his concern that the definition of “insult” will be determined by the officer in question. “If you criticise an officer in whatever context, that itself could be an insult,” he stressed.
The group views such legislation as unnecessary, claiming the police already possess a enough power and authority.
“We criticise the police is because we hope they will improve. There should be no law to protect those in power”, he insists.
The controversy started in 2013 where a pro-Beijing party proposed to address “provocative behaviours against police officers in public meetings” during a Legislative Council panel.
Pro-Beijing groups have since lobbied for a law against nominally insulting police officers to be realised.
Photos: Thomas Chan/Coconuts Media
Coconuts
Rallies for and against law prohibiting insulting police held in Central Hong Kong
Political groups for and against a proposed pro-police law set up booths in Central on Sunday under heavy police presence.
Dozens from both sides gathered at the busy shopping area around Theatre Lane, bidding for public support.
The protests stem from a proposal of criminalising the act of insulting on a police officer on duty.
Pro-Beijing groups Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice Alliance, led by anti-occupy activist Leticia Lee, ran a petition in favour of the proposal outside Gap.
Petition booth for the Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice
The group believes such a law would “maintain security and law and order” and protect the next generation against “brainwashing”.
They pledged their support for the police and vowed to “use the fearless spirit of the police as example”, and “never surrender to any oppressing forces”.
Lee later urged voters to oust pro-democratic lawmakers in the upcoming Legislative Council elections.
Mr. Chow, a bystander in his 60s, however, said the law should not be passed.
“It’s not a matter of respecting authorities. It makes no sense to secure those already in power”, he said. “The law should be safeguarding the ordinary citizens; protecting those authorities is absurd.”
Anti-establishment group Civic Passion set up its booth just 50 metres away at the back door of Abercrombie & Fitch, where members took it in turns to deliver speeches.
The police did not have to intervene in the activities of either party.
“If this law is passed, then Hong Kong will become a true totalitarian state,” one activist said. “This will make Hong Kong more authoritarian, more dictatorial, and will undermine our freedom of speech.”
Another activist expressed his concern that the definition of “insult” will be determined by the officer in question. “If you criticise an officer in whatever context, that itself could be an insult,” he stressed.
The group views such legislation as unnecessary, claiming the police already possess a enough power and authority.
“We criticise the police is because we hope they will improve. There should be no law to protect those in power”, he insists.
The controversy started in 2013 where a pro-Beijing party proposed to address “provocative behaviours against police officers in public meetings” during a Legislative Council panel.
Pro-Beijing groups have since lobbied for a law against nominally insulting police officers to be realised.
Dozens from both sides gathered at the busy shopping area around Theatre Lane, bidding for public support.
The protests stem from a proposal of criminalising the act of insulting on a police officer on duty.
A woman is escorted away after arguments erupted with the pro-Beijing group
Pro-Beijing groups Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice Alliance, led by anti-occupy activist Leticia Lee, ran a petition in favour of the proposal outside Gap.
Petition booth for the Alliance in Support of our Police Force and Justice
They pledged their support for the police and vowed to “use the fearless spirit of the police as example”, and “never surrender to any oppressing forces”.
Lee later urged voters to oust pro-democratic lawmakers in the upcoming Legislative Council elections.
There was a heavy police presence
Mr. Chow, a bystander in his 60s, however, said the law should not be passed.
“It’s not a matter of respecting authorities. It makes no sense to secure those already in power”, he said. “The law should be safeguarding the ordinary citizens; protecting those authorities is absurd.”
Anti-establishment group Civic Passion set up its booth just 50 metres away at the back door of Abercrombie & Fitch, where members took it in turns to deliver speeches.
The police did not have to intervene in the activities of either party.
“If this law is passed, then Hong Kong will become a true totalitarian state,” one activist said. “This will make Hong Kong more authoritarian, more dictatorial, and will undermine our freedom of speech.”
Civic Passion booth
Another activist expressed his concern that the definition of “insult” will be determined by the officer in question. “If you criticise an officer in whatever context, that itself could be an insult,” he stressed.
The group views such legislation as unnecessary, claiming the police already possess a enough power and authority.
“We criticise the police is because we hope they will improve. There should be no law to protect those in power”, he insists.
The controversy started in 2013 where a pro-Beijing party proposed to address “provocative behaviours against police officers in public meetings” during a Legislative Council panel.
Pro-Beijing groups have since lobbied for a law against nominally insulting police officers to be realised.
CY Leung: Anti-parallel-trade protests caused drop in tourists, ‘hurt Hong Kong’s image’
An anti-parallel-trade protest in Tuen Mun on Feb. 8. (Photo: Thomas Chan/Coconuts Media)
Anti-parallel-trade protests are one of the main causes behind the “alarming” drop in tourists over the Easter holiday, CY Leung said this morning.
Though the chief executive cited other possible causes, like a strong HKD and poor economies in other countries, Leung said that the anti-mainland protests are a key factor, reports the .
These protests “essentially were illegal actions against mainland tourists,” he said.
“These actions have seriously hurt Hong Kong’s image and reputation as a tourist city, internationally and on the mainland.”
In order to win back the hearts of tourists, Leung said that the Hong Kong government will be holding promotional events both in the mainland and abroad.
The events will assure potential visitors that only a small number of Hongkongers hate mainlanders with such fervent passion that they'll spend their weekends protesting their existence, and that these protesters will be punished.
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