Occupy Central
Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.
Umbrella Movement
The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace, groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.
Occupy Central site in an area surrounding the Legislative Council and Central Government Offices at Tamar were cleared 22-06-2015.
Hong Kong reform vote
The Hong Kong government’s political reform proposal for how the city elects its leader by universal suffrage for the first time in 2017 is based on a strict framework set by Beijing. The plan limits the number of candidates to two or three and requires them to win majority support from a 1,200 strong nominating committee. Arguing that this does not constitute genuine universal suffrage, pan-democratic lawmakers have vowed to reject the package, while pro-democracy groups have protested. The government’s resolution was to be put to a vote by the 70-member Legislative Council in June 2015, requiring a two-thirds majority to be passed.
POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 261
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 76 (02-09-2015)
POST REFORM VOTE：DAY 76 (02-09-2015)
Full coverage of the day’s events
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Leung renews attack on anti-mainland protesters
Chief Executive Leung Chun-yin yesterday took a fresh swipe at anti-mainland protesters, saying it is easy to drive tourists away but difficult to lure them back.
Speaking before attending the Executive Council meeting, Leung said no other place would permit acts designed to drive away tourists.
"We should not allow acts or comments that will spoil Hong Kong's image," he said. "We do not want to see any action against tourists."
Leung's renewed attack on protesters follows the release of Tourism Board figures on Monday which showed overall visitor arrivals dropped 8.4 percent to 4.92 million year-on-year in July.
Of these, mainland visitors fell by 9.8 percent to 3.85 million. Leung said it is clear the main reason for the decline was the behavior of some local residents who, over the past two years, had staged rowdy protests while claiming that the influx of mainlanders had affected their daily lives.
The same views were expressed last week by representatives from the retail, catering, hotel and tour guides sectors, who told a Federation of Trade Unions press conference that their industries had been affected by the protests.
"Three-star hotel rooms in Island South that charged around HK$1,400 last year had to offer HK$900 promotions with two free dinner sets in order to attract customers," Hotels, Food & Beverage Employees Association spokesman Barry Kai Hung-chuen said.
Kai said although hotels in shopping areas such as Mong Kok and along Canton Road in Tsim Sha Tsui still had a 90 percent occupation rate, business in hotels in other areas fell to half last summer. Representatives said they were now hoping for an uptrend in business by Christmas.
FTU lawmaker Bill Tang Ka-piu said the situation will not change if the government is not aware that new tourist attractions are needed. In addition, he hoped there would be no more uncivilized political acts.
Leung said tourism had been feeding many low-income families. A consistent drop in visitors would further affect Hong Kong's hotel and retail businesses, leading to risks of unemployment.
Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying's popularity rating has plunged to a new low, according to the latest survey. Photo: Reuters
Can CY Leung still govern Hong Kong effectively?
Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying still has two years left in office, but his growing unpopularity has made it more difficult for him to govern Hong Kong.
His approval rating hit a new low last month, the Public Opinion Program of the University of Hong Kong announced on Tuesday.
The latest survey shows that Leung’s support rate now stands at 38.5 marks, the lowest since he became chief executive in 2012. His approval rate now stands at 22 percent and his disapproval rate at 62 percent, giving him a net popularity of negative 39 percentage points.
The popularity of the SAR government has also plunged from the previous month. Its satisfaction rate now stands at 21 percent while its dissatisfaction rate is at 50 percent, giving it a net satisfaction rate of negative 29 percentage points.
According to the HKU POP, a political figure who has scored less than 50 marks is considered to have fallen into negative popularity, while a score of less than 45 marks indicates a credibility crisis.
That can explain why Leung is losing his legitimacy to rule Hong Kong as more than half of Hong Kong people do not want him to govern the city.
An analysis of the poll results shows that the younger and more educated the respondents, the more critical they are of Leung as chief executive.
But it seems all age groups are dissatisfied with Leung’s performance as a leader; youngsters, middle-aged people and the elderly all registered a more than 50 percent opposition to Leung as chief executive.
The survey shows that Leung has failed to win support across different age groups — from youngsters to senior citizens, who are supposed to be the key support group of the administration.
Leung’s loss of support from the elderly group may be due to his decision to fire his home affairs secretary Tsang Tak-Shing and his administration’s incompetent handling of the water contamination crisis.
Leung, who claimed to have a keen understanding of public opinion trends when he was running for chief executive in 2012, failed to deliver on his campaign promises, particularly in increasing the number of flats to meet domestic demand and restructuring the local economy to reduce its reliance on the financial and property sectors.
His failure to make substantial gains in these crucial areas of concern shows his lack of frontline policy planning experience and weak links with the civil service team that executes his policies.
As a result, Leung was forced to form his own team outside of the existing civil service bureaucracy, as exemplified by his appointment of Nicholas Yang as his technology consultant and Sophia Kao Ching-chi as his consultant in appointments in senior government and statutory bodies, overriding the power of the civil service secretary.
Loyalists used to voice doubts over the accuracy of negative surveys on Leung’s popularity, saying that they do not reflect the real support that he enjoys in the community.
But the crisis resulting from the lead-contaminated water supply has convinced many people, including those from his traditional support groups, that Leung and his senior officials are not capable of dealing with issues that affect them most.
One such official is the Secretary for Education Eddie Ng Hak-kim. People have doubted his competence since he was appointed in 2012.
His popularity has suffered a great deal since the administration tried to introduce a moral and national education curriculum.
His incompetence was once again exposed when he manifested his inability to deal with the water contamination crisis that has spread into local schools, particularly in kindergartens.
Ng initially refused to test the water supply in all kindergartens or install water filters to help protect the health and welfare of highly vulnerable children.
He was quoted as saying that since children stay in school for only a short while, there is no need for such measures to be taken.
His remarks drew fierce criticism from both the Professional Teachers Union, a pro-democracy group, and pro-Beijing Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers, who criticized the government’s lack of sensitivity in dealing with this threat to the health of schoolchildren.
But with the start of the schoolyear, the government reversed its stance on the issue. Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor announced that water supply tests will be conducted in kindergartens across the territory to ensure the safety of tap water for schoolchildren, noting that kids under six are most vulnerable to lead contamination.
As Lam tries her best to win back public trust over the water contamination issue, CY Leung continues to play his political games.
Of course, he has to be in Beijing to watch the grand military parade on Thursday, but Hong Kong people want their leader to be concerned about their welfare, and not one who only thinks of politics or how to please his Beijing bosses.
It seems Democratic Party stalwarts like Emily Lau hope to step down in a dignified way one day and join the “loyal opposition”. Photo: HKEJ
Pan-democrats trying to make a killing before the game is over
Unlike what happened five years ago, the Democratic Party this time represented not only itself but also the entire pan-democratic camp in meeting with Feng Wei, deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office.
Even though the meeting was arranged in total secrecy, the reaction of the pan-democrats has remained quite moderate so far.
It appears there was an unspoken agreement among the pan-democrats to remain completely silent on the 1st anniversary of the 831 Resolution in order to please the Communist Party.
No wonder Lau Siu-kai, the former chief adviser of the Central Policy Unit, said the party is trying to guide the pan-democrats on the path towards becoming the “loyal opposition”.
“Loyal opposition” is a terminology that only applies to truly democratic countries in the West, and there is no equivalent in Communist China.
Perhaps the closet resemblance to it is something called the “tail party”. As Elsie Leung Oi-sie has explained earlier, the Chinese Communist Party has always remained receptive to opposition parties as long as they remain loyal and submissive.
Like Professor Lau Siu-kai said, the loyal opposition can be considered part of the pro-establishment camp, and therefore their members can be appointed to key government positions.
Given its strong foundation and support at the community level, the Democratic Party, if successfully recruited by Beijing, would mean at least 10 years of stability and harmony in Hong Kong.
On the other hand, the potential for “cooperation” and “positive competition” between the Democrats and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) is enormous in the upcoming District Council elections as their target voters often overlap.
Given all that, there are indeed considerable incentives for the Democrats to agree to their recruitment by Beijing.
For those heavyweights in the Democratic Party who are now pushing 60 and have achieved nothing in the fight for true democracy over the past 30 years, it is only a matter of time before they have to step down and hand over their seats to younger people.
The reason why Emily Lau, chairperson of the Democratic Party, brought a couple of young party leaders with her to meet Feng was all too obvious: to introduce her young successors to Beijing and hijack the party in order to transform it into a “tail party” under the so-called “multi-party cooperation system” led by the communists.
As long as the Democratic Party can maintain the number of its seats, seasoned party stalwarts like Emily Lau can hopefully step down in a dignified way one day and join the “loyal opposition” in order to retain their political influence after retirement.
In other words, they are simply paving the way for their smooth retirement and trying to retain their political influence afterwards, by turning their own party into a subordinate to the communists.
And their handpicked young successors can by no means overturn their decision or dissociate themselves from the plot because they themselves were involved in concluding the closed-door deal with Beijing, which basically makes them accomplices in the entire plot.
The fact that none of the major pan-democratic factions including the Labour Party and the Civic Party raised their voice against the secret meeting indicates that they have all capitulated following the unsuccessful Umbrella Movement in face of the hardliners in Beijing who refused to budge even an inch.
What they are attempting to do at this stage is to cut a deal with Beijing and gain as much advantage for themselves as possible by utilizing every bit of their political capital accumulated over the years.
As the old saying goes, they are working their hearts out “to make a killing before the game is over”.
Serving as a “tail party” for Beijing could be the best way out for the Democratic Party.
Once the Democratic Party agrees to Beijing’s recruitment, the DAB could be hit hardest, not because it is the nemesis of the Democrats, but because once the Democratic Party has gained Beijing’s favor, the DAB might need to turn over some of its influence and seats to the Democrats at Beijing’s order for the sake of building harmony.
And there is no way the DAB can defy their bosses in Beijing; all the communist leaders are concerned about is the stability of Hong Kong. Everything else, including the wishes and emotions of the pro-establishment camp, have to take a backseat.
Having said that, I hereby urge the indigenous factions to actively take part in the upcoming District Council and Legislative Council elections, because the pan-democrats have already betrayed us in exchange for their own survival. We can no longer rely on them.
Although the chances of the candidates of the indigenous factions getting elected are remote, they can still use the elections as a platform to get their message across and rally public support.
Such kamikaze-style campaigns might yield no tangible results, but they will definitely pay off in the future, because a successful revolution always originates from the main street, rather than from someone blowing his own horn on internet radio or on Facebook.
Once our difference with the rest of China disappears, our independent identity disappears too. Photo: Bloomberg
Why HKSAR may become less special after 2047
In recent years more and more people are beginning to forecast the future of Hong Kong after 2047.
While most people try to find answers to this question from a Hong Kong perspective, I find that there might be other possibilities and answers if we look at this question from the angle of international relations.
Back in 1997, most people believed there would be three possibilities regarding the future of Hong Kong 50 years after the handover: 1. “One Country, One System”, 2. Hong Kong becoming independent, and 3. “One Country, Two Systems” would remain.
However, when it comes to the continued existence of “One Country, Two Systems”, we must take into consideration the role of “foreign influence”.
Today both Hong Kong and Macau exist as “special administrative regions” under the People’s Republic of China.
But does that necessarily mean the international community will respect our special identity? Not really.
Take the Sinuiji special administrative region set up by North Korea back in 2002 as an example. It basically mimicked Hong Kong in every way, and it even appointed a Chinese-Dutch businessman named Yang Bin as “chief executive”.
The North Korean government went to great lengths to promote Sinuiji to attract foreign investment such as introducing the separation of powers and low tax rates into the region, and establishing a stock exchange there.
However, all these efforts have proven futile as the Sinuiji SAR failed to gain international recognition totally.
Even Yang Bin himself was arrested, rather dramatically, by the Chinese authorities on tax evasion charges.
So does international recognition really that matter? Let’s take the Hong Kong SAR passport as another example.
A lot more countries have granted visa-free privileges to HKSAR passport holders than to People’s Republic of China passport holders because the international community widely regards us as special and different from the rest of mainland China.
On the other hand, Hong Kong is an independent member of many international organizations because we are commonly considered as an independent economic entity and a separate customs territory governed by a totally different system and set of laws compared to China.
Once our difference with the rest of China disappears, our independent identity disappears too.
Is there any sign of the onset of this trend? Probably yes.
For instance, Taiwan has reviewed and changed its conditions and requirements of immigration that apply to Hong Kong citizens, out of its concern over the potential abuse of Hong Kong citizenship by mainlanders.
On the other hand, the United States is likely to stay positive about “One Country, Two Systems” as long as Hong Kong remains a free port and its currency pegged to the dollar. However, once these elements are gone, it is likely that Washington will review its policy on our city too.
Suppose that Hong Kong will fully integrate into China after 2047, will that spell the end of international recognition of “One Country, Two Systems”?
While some are pretty apprehensive about that scenario, some mainland academics are confident that by that time China is likely to become a new superpower, and no country would dare to risk antagonizing China by refusing to recognize the status of Hong Kong.
But that raises another question: if China really becomes that powerful after 2047, will it still have to rely on Hong Kong like it does now?
Isn’t it more in the national interest if Beijing creates some other special administrative regions on its soil that enjoy the same level of international credibility like Hong Kong but are less “troublesome”?
Either way, the HKSAR is likely to become “less special” in the days ahead.
HKU alumni vote overwhelmingly to remove CY Leung as chancellor
Alumni from the University of Hong Kong have voted overwhelmingly in favour of confirming the recommendation of pro-democracy scholar Johannes Chan Man-mun to the pro-vice chancellorship as well as removing Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying as the university’s chancellor.
The Convocation’s Extraordinary General Meeting (EGM)—which was closed to current students, the media and the general public—brought over 9,000 HKU graduates to the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre in Wan Chai.
Photo: HKFP.
7,821 out of 9,298 votes supported a motion urging HKU’s governing body, the Council, to “confirm the recommendation made by the Search Committee for the appointment of Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Academic Staffing and Resources) within 30 days from today.” 7,657 also voted in favour of a second motion stating that “ the Chief Executive shall not be the Chancellor and chief officer of the University.”
A third motion requesting that “the post of Chairman of the Council of University of Hong Kong must be filled by a candidate who is acceptable to the members of its teaching and non-academic staff as well as students” was endorsed by 7,633 voters.
For a motion to pass, 50 percent of votes—4,650—were required.
Although the vote is only symbolic and is not binding, it sends a powerful message to the university’s Council, which voted to delay Chan’s appointment at its last meeting in July.
John Wan Chung-on, chairman of the Convocation, said that the gathering will “refer all the results of the EGM to the university and to the Council” and “set up a working group [for the implementation of the passed motions] within one or two months.”
Wan declined to comment on whether on the vote’s implications and whether it will influence the Council’s decision. Lawmaker Ip Kin-yuen, convenor of the HKU Alumni Concern Group, said that he “hopes the Council will respect the voice of the alumni as shown in the vote.”
The Chief Executive serves as the chancellor for all of Hong Kong’s tertiary institutions—a custom that begun with the territory’s colonial-era governors. Traditionally only a symbolic role, opposition to this system has increased along with perceived interference in university governance by Chief Executive Leung.
In last night (1 Sep)'s HKU alumni Convocation extraordinary general meeting, the following motions were tabled:
2. To discuss the following as set out in the requisition from The Hon IP Kin Yuen (BA 1984) and 23 other members dated 18 July 2015 and received by Chairman of Convocation on 21 July 2015:
“To consider and if it thinks fit, to pass the following resolutions:
(a) This convocation is of the view that The University Council should, in accordance with established procedures and precedents, confirm the recommendation made by the Search Committee for the appointment of Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Academic Staffing and Resources) within 30 days from today and failing that, should provide written reasons and justification for their delay and their decision to the Convocation and members of the public.
(b) This convocation is of the view that The University of Hong Kong Ordinance and all consequential provisions including the University rules and regulations should be amended such that the Chief Executive shall not be the Chancellor and chief officer of the University.
(c) This convocation is of the view that in the alternative to (b), the University of Hong Kong Ordinance and all consequential provisions including the University rules and regulations should be amended such that the role of the Chief Executive as the Chancellor of the University shall only be ceremonial.
(d) The Convocation shall set up a working party for the implementation of resolutions (b) and/or (c) above.”
3. To discuss the following as set out in the requisition from 32 members (Lo Chi Ming et al) dated and received by the Chairman of Convocation on 5 August 2015:
“To consider and if it thinks fit, pass the following as a resolution: That the Convocation of the University of Hong Kong is of the like view and do support and endorse the Joint Statement dated 30 July 2015 issued by the Deans of all ten faculties of the University of Hong Kong, a copy of which is attached to this motion/resolution.”
4. To discuss the following as set out in the requisition from Miss CHANG Wan Ki, Gloria (BSocSc 2001) and 19 other members dated 4 August 2015 and received by Chairman of Convocation on 5 August 2015:
“To request the following motion be adopted:
That the post of Chairman of the Council of University of Hong Kong must be filled by a candidate who is acceptable to the members of its teaching and non-academic staff as well as students."
The results of the vote are announced today by the Convocation today and are as follows:
7821 voted for resolution 2(a), resolution passed.
7657 voted for resolution 2(b), resolution passed.
7756 voted for resolution 2(c), resolution passed.
7745 voted for resolution 2(d), resolution passed
1814 voted for resolution 3, resolution not passed.
7633 voted for resolution 4, resolution passed.
Only three pan-dems invited to Beijing military parade
Only three pan-democrats have been selected as part of a Hong Kong delegation invited to Beijing to watch the World War II victory day parade on Thursday.
Former Civic Party member Ronny Tong, Democratic Party vice-chairman Tik Chi-yuen and independent lawmaker Joseph Lee were among a Hong Kong delegation of 296 people attending the event.
The list of attendees complied by Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying’s office was released on Tuesday night.
The group headed by Leung were set to depart for the capital on Wednesday morning. Beijing’s liaison chief in Hong Kong, Zhang Xiaoming, accompanied the group.
The delegation will take part in activities to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the allied victory in World War II, including a military parade and an entertainment gala.
The list also included senior government officials such as Secretary for Justice Rimsky Yuen Kwok-keung, Secretary for Education Eddie Ng Hak-kim and Secretary for Security Lai Tung-kwok.
Pro-establishment lawmakers Starry Lee Wai-king, James Tien, Ann Chiang Lai-wan, Christopher Chung Shu-kun, Legislative Council President Jasper Tsang Yok-sing were also invited.
Others on the list include Charles Li, chief executive of Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing (HKEx), as well as business tycoons Allan Zeman and Richard Li.
PLA soldiers marched on Tiananmen in a rehearsal of the parade. Photo: finance.laoqianzhuang.com.
The group will head back to Hong Kong on Thursday afternoon.
Ronny Tong quit Civic Party, which he co-founded, and gave up his Legislative Council seat in June to set up a think tank, Path of Democracy. The decision came after he showed differences with the party over the government’s political reform bill.
Chief Secretary Carrie Lam will be Acting Chief Executive Wednesday morning before she heads to Beijing later in the day. Financial Secretary John Tsang will then take on the duty from Wednesday afternoon to Thursday morning, according to a government release.
HKU Vice Chancellor Peter Mathieson (left) and Ming Pao chief editor Chong Tien Siong (right) are not joining the Hong Kong delegation to watch Beijing's military parade. Photos: Bloomberg, HKEJ
So who aren’t on the list for the big Beijing parade?
Going through the list of 278 names making up Leung Chun-ying’s delegation to Beijing, it is more interesting to note who are not included than those who are there.
The group left today for tomorrow’s much-awaited military parade to celebrate the 70th anniversary of Japan’s surrender that ended World War II.
They left without University of Hong Kong Vice Chancellor Peter Mathieson (馬斐森).
Mathieson was reportedly on the invitation list, but he turned it down in the wake of last night’s special general meeting at the university on the delayed appointment of his new pro vice chancellor.
With his exclusion, he becomes one of the four university heads, out of nine, who are not on the list — joining Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong Institute of Education and Open University.
He also missed being one of the few foreigners in the HKSAR delegation. Lan Kwai Fong chairman Allan Zeman (盛智文) and former Hong Kong Science and Technology Park chairman Nicholas Brooke (蒲禄祺) are included.
Meanwhile, Anti-Occupy Central leader Robert Chow Yung (周融) is on the list, along with former police commissioner Andy Tsang Wai-hung (曾偉雄) and four others who took part in the operation codenamed “Solarpeak” to counter the Umbrella Movement.
A fitting acknowledgement of their efforts in supporting the government in the face of the pro-democracy protests.
Chow, a former editor at The Standard, will probably have a media gathering with 16 editors representing major electronic and print media establishments.
The delegates include representatives of TVB, ATV, i-Cable, Now TV, DBC, RTHK and Roadshow for electronic media. For print, Hong Kong Economic Journal, South China Morning Post, Standard, Sing Tao, Hong Kong Economic Times and am730 are represented.
Apart from the two mass local dailies, one notably missing from the list is Ming Pao Daily, whose chief editor Chong Tien Siong (鍾天祥) took up the post only this January.
So, who else are not there? What about the 70 tycoons who joined the delegation last September just before the Occupy civil disobedience movement broke out.
Senior tycoons like CK Hutchison (00001.HK) chairman Li Ka-shing (李嘉誠) and Henderson Land (00002.HK) chairman Lee Shau-kee (李兆基) turned down the star-studded invitation because the Beijing sojourn would be too tiring for them.
But their sons, who are members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, are on the list.
Also joining the CPPCC delegation are New World Development (00017.HK) chairman Henry Cheng Kar-shun (鄭家純), former Wharf (00004.HK) chairman Peter Woo Kwong-ching (吳光正) and former Chief Secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen (唐英年).
Tang posted a selfie at the National People’s Congress on Facebook this March. But if he wants to do it again this time, we advise him not to use a Nikon or Sony camera — just to be on the safe, politically correct side.
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