2015年1月30日 星期五

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 45 (29-01-2015)




Occupy Central


Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.



Umbrella Movement



The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.


Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 45: 

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Li warning may well be last reform call



Vice-president Li Yuanchao's ominous comment late last week that the good show has yet to come in wake of the Occupy Central movement has stirred up lots of discussion.
What could he mean indeed?

Li reportedly made the remark while meeting representatives of returned migrants.

The mainland media was not at all specific about what Li probably meant, so the possible interpretations are wide open.

For Occupy point man Benny Tai Yiu-ting, however, it is a convenient occasion to snipe back at Beijing.

As he and two other co-founders were arrested for organizing the protest, Tai too pledged there would be more good shows to come in the legislature as well as on the streets.

This tit for tat is nothing more than an attempt to be confrontational.

Legislative Council president Jasper Tsang Yok-sing read it differently, saying Beijing would take further action to stop any major issue arising in Hong Kong should it feel threatened.

Whatever the interpretation, it's time to be pragmatic again. What's important is to see universal suffrage implemented in 2017; otherwise, it would spell a vicious cycle for the SAR.

In starting the second stage of consultation on political reform, Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor urged the opposition to seize the opportunity it presented.

It is a sensible appeal in the present context.

Time may prove to be running out for the ponderous thoughts that are needed for this multifaceted issue.

The consultation is already in the fourth week of the two-month exercise and legislators will be expected to vote on the 2017 chief executive electoral reforms this year.

Opposition lawmakers must make up their mind as to whether it will be better to have limited democratic reform than nothing at all.

Tai said the struggle will continue. However, what is the goal of the struggle?

In planning Occupy a year ago, the purpose was clear. Tai's idea was to use it as a bargaining chip to force Beijing to give Hong Kong greater democracy. The tactic has failed.

It is foreseeable that President Xi Jinping, who is ruling the country with an iron fist, is not going to yield to pressure.

If the opposition doesn't seize the opportunity, it's very likely there really will be nothing at all.

A so-called blank vote option - which gives voters a "none-of-the- above" alternative - that is being advocated by Basic Law Committee member Albert Chen Hung-yee is worth looking into.

The pro-democracy movement has pledged to stop the government getting from its camp the four votes that it needs to pass the reform package. At times, I doubt if Beijing will bother even trying to win the four votes at all.

For, at best, Beijing is half-hearted about the reform after all that has happened. At worst, it no longer bothers whether it will be passed or not. Some even suspect Beijing may be delighted if the reform is rejected by the opposition.

The opposition's assumption that the government is keen to negotiate may be nothing more than a false premise.

It is time for the opposition to weigh the pros and cons seriously. There is nothing ambiguous about Beijing's position. Although Li's remark may be open to interpretation, the signal may not be: it is a hint of a tougher stance to come.















01月30日 後佔中第46天


01月30日 後佔中第46天


「美國隊長」自簽守行為1年 盾牌充公

佔領行動期間打扮成美國漫畫人物「美國隊長」的男子,被控阻撓他人清拆路障,及以盾牌襲擊兩名男子。被告今早獲法院批准,以2000元自簽守行為1年。

被告現年30歲,職業為救生員,去年佔領運動期間,「美國隊長」在彌敦道及亞皆老街交界分別襲擊兩名的士司機。被告現獲撤銷兩項普通襲擊罪,但須賠償500元給兩名受害人。該男子的盾牌被充公,造型服飾則獲發還。







學苑苑論:最後一代香港人



學苑一月號 苑論
副總編輯   陳雅明
「世上如果還有真要活下去的人們,就先該敢說,敢笑,敢哭,敢怒,敢罵,敢打,在這可詛咒的地方擊退了可詛咒的時代!」——魯迅
                  最後一代香港人
魯迅曾言中國歷史可分為兩個時代,一是想做奴隸而不得的時代,二是暫時做穩了奴隸的時代。也就是說,一部幾千年的中國歷史都是奴隸歷史,中國人又只有當奴隸的份兒。香港也有許多這樣的中國人,其中有做奴隸而做得樂極忘形的,忘了自己本來是人,就是萬劫不復的奴才。香港大半部歷史都是奴才史,香港的年青人不想再做奴才,因此吶喊命運自決,創造歷史。其實,香港年青人只是想做一個人,得到人應有的權利,卻被政權封殺得了無希望。行動的,被拘捕,連講話的,也被公開批鬥。沒想到世局崩壞如此,也萬萬想不到批鬥臨到《學苑》頭上。
梁振英先是點名批評《學苑》,後又公開編委的名字,手段如同文革批鬥,分明是營造白色恐怖。雨傘革命後, 梁振英沒有反思如何修補跟雨傘世代的關係,反而一再挑釁,先是叫我們離港發展,現在就是文革式批鬥《學苑》,決意以「敵我矛盾」的文革思維看待年青人,展開全面的政治打壓及意識形態鉗制。梁振英解決年青人問題的方法就是打壓年青人、趕走年青人,當香港再也沒有年青人,就沒有年青人的問題了。
《學苑》自一九五二年成立,有兼收並蓄的言論自由傳統,向來對香港政治前途有不同意見,當時都被認為相當激進。六十年代末《學苑》已有文章討論港獨,七十年代初又有文章認為香港的根本解救方法是徹底走上社會主義道路……當年撰寫這些「異見」文章的學生,有不少是現今知名的左派人士,敢問當年港督有沒有公開批評他們?六十年代末,《學苑》有文章批評港英政府,時任港督戴麟趾書面回覆當時編委。戴麟趾對年輕人大度得體的回應,使回歸後的特首梁振英相形見絀,難怪有些年青人懷念殖民時代。
梁振英不但沒有政治人物應有的氣度,批評手法更是斷章取義地羅織罪名。梁在記者會上曾提及〈談軍政,看港獨〉一文,指文章討論香港如何像新加坡那樣建軍。梁必定沒有認真讀過這篇文章,或讀過了而故意扭曲。若他稍微認真讀過,怎會不知道這篇文章的結論是:在想像的建軍選項中,現時沒有一個可行。當時編委撰寫這篇文章並非所謂「搞港獨」,而是發現香港從來沒有相關討論,認為即使不同意港獨立場,也應有討論港獨的自由,大可探討。那期亦有〈獨立幻想〉一文,內容是反對港獨的,但這些沒有「扣帽子」價值的文章,梁振英就當然隻字不提。對於《學苑》來說,言論自由比政治立場重要,可容下不同政見。只是萬萬沒想到堂堂特首,竟容不下一個校園傳媒。
現在左派媒體所謂《學苑》搞港獨,根本是偽命題。《學苑》只是校園媒體,頂多是政治論述、新聞報道,開拓思想領域,絕無行動,又怎樣搞港獨?另外,《學苑》又不像某些官員收受外國資本,身家清白,沒有外國勢力支持,又怎樣搞港獨?英國文豪George Orwell早就識破這些極權愚弄群眾的手段。極權會利用語言偽術,顛倒是非,指「戰爭即和平,自由即奴役,無知即力量」。語言偽術在梁振英上台後屢見不鮮,現在《學苑》「談」港獨,竟被指為「搞」港獨,這就是港共的政治騙術—「談港獨即搞港獨」。這些語言偽術其實十分拙劣,稍有邏輯分析能力就一攻即破,如此看來,部份香港人仍民智未啟。
建制人士,如梁振英、馮煒光之流,趁機要人表態是否支持港獨,某些泛民人士又急著明哲保身,極速跟「港獨」劃清界線,失去應有的思考能力,回應失當。答問題前要先釐清問題的關鍵用字,這是中學生也知道的思辯技巧。面對梁振英或馮煒光這些文革式質問,急著切割是下策,不如反詰他們:到底什麼是港獨,希望他們闡述。筆者亦在此請問梁振英及馮煒光,到底他們認為台灣現在是否獨立?若果他們認為台灣現在不是獨立,那《學苑》亦沒有港獨主張。若「港獨」是指要香港建立一支自己的軍隊,《學苑》也沒有這種主張。若果港獨是指一個中共操控不到的政治制度、民主選舉,例如公民提名,《學苑》就有過這種主張。問題是,泛民之流,不也是追求一個中共操控不到的民主選舉? 我們撰寫《香港民主獨立》那一期,其中一個原因是,當時注意到一些左派報紙將「公民提名」打成「港獨」,泛民及一些報章更與本土主義切割,害怕被扣上港獨帽子。我們認為這樣做只會令泛民進退失據,因為在中共眼中,只要它操控不到的選舉,就是搞港獨。若不斷在港獨議題上迴避,接下來任何真普選方案都會被扣上港獨帽子。今次梁振英主動談起港獨,正好讓議員當面質詢公民提名是否港獨,但一眾
泛民議員卻錯失良機。若梁振英答「否」,正好廓清公民提名不是港獨;若梁振英答「是」,原來他指的港獨不過是公民提名,那港獨又有什麼可怕?
本來《香港民族論》或港獨議題的討論只限於極少數人,有些人甚至連想也不敢想,絕非主流議題。將港獨擺上主流媒體頭條的人是梁振英,他正式打開了香港人的港獨想像。梁振英以為自己跟《學苑》一樣,有言論自由講任何議題或批評任何人,但一個掌權者又怎可跟無權無勢的學生報相提並論?梁振英的一言一行都會帶來政治後果,如主導政治議程,打壓反對意見。《學苑》談港獨最多流於小圈子討論,梁振英談港獨就會對港獨推波助瀾。在梁振英批評《學苑》後,客觀上就使港獨成為主流議題,亦有遊行高喊支持「梁振英獨立建國」、「梁振英英明,取代習近平」,視梁振英為「港獨之父」。事實上,全港有能力搞港獨的恐怕只有梁振英。
另外,某些建制派人士趁機取悅主子,不惜出賣香港人,什麼荒謬的話都敢說,竟主張「廿三條」立法前,將內地《國安法》在香港選擇性執行或試行。既然可以試行一條內地法例,那就可以試行兩條法例,最後在2047年之前在香港試行中國特色的社會主義制度。這些話並不是一些小官員胡言亂語,其後亦有全國政協副主席董建華支持,指的確有法理依據引進內地法律。九七前,國家領導人會說:「河水不犯井水。」現在,有些人要出賣香港,要打開井口,任由污水流進來。由《一國兩制白皮書》,人大「831決定」,到《施政報告》批鬥《學苑》搞港獨, 再到提出將《國安法》納入《基本法》,背後都是「敵我矛盾」的鬥爭思維。梁振英及其背後勢力已決意在香港搞政治鬥爭,鬥垮一切反對意見,弄垮一國兩制亦在所不惜。其實,無論本土意識或港獨意識,最大的來源就是一國兩制實踐失敗;尤其在梁振英執政下的幾年,由打壓示威到意識形態鬥爭,令年青人更加不相信一國兩制,因而產生本土意識、獨立意識。
雨傘革命後,看見網上有這個問題:「佔領運動後,香港年青人可以怎樣生存下去?」,而答案是:「忍受或自殺」。人在覺醒後,卻看不到出路,其實比死更痛苦。雨傘世代已不想再好像上一代那樣忍受荒謬的制度,而希望做一個有尊嚴的人。但現在看來,自殺以外,香港年青人還有什麼出路?筆者想起魯迅的〈紀念劉和珍君〉,劉和珍是一名生於民國時期的女學生,因向段祺瑞政府請願而遭槍殺,死時22歲。魯迅說,她不是「苟活到現在的我」的學生,而是為了中國而死的中國青年。真正有理想,對社會有抱負的青年,又怎會對執政政府的惡行視若無睹,苟活世上?面對愈來愈瘋狂的香港政府,雨傘世代是不會退縮的,但梁振英就是要年青人做劉和珍君?
魯迅在文章結尾說「苟活者在淡紅的血色中,會依稀看見微茫的希望;真的猛士,將更奮然而前行。 」時間站在年青人這邊,年青人在,香港就不亡,年青人在,香港人就不滅,若年青人也退縮,香港也沒有下一代。命運自決,要做一個人,一個香港人,在中國來說是極難的、禁止的,可是,這就是雨傘世代的宿命,也非如此不可了!


佔領運動新書寫序 彭定康:與自由為敵注定為歷史唾棄


末代港督彭定康為記錄佔領運動新書《被時代選中的我們》作序,表示任何與自由為敵的主張,「注定為歷史唾棄,香港已然為人的尊嚴與在公正法律下對自由的不撓追求,寫下了新的一頁」。
《信報》今天報道,彭定康所寫的序言,題為「The World Opens its Umbrella」。序言稱,中國雖然經濟崛起,但它的政治體系卻沒有反映到這份經濟上的自信和活力,如今若在北京打開一把雨傘,可令保安人員嚇得兩腳發軟、中央幹部們情願變成落湯雞也不敢舉傘,因為雨傘代表一個信念:「人們應當有權決定自己如何在法治下生活,以及如何被管治。」
他批評,目前特區政府根本只聽命於深圳的中共官員指點江山,既缺乏領導能力,亦無意運甪智慧尋求政治共識,過去一年世界從香港人身上已看到港人渴望一個多元、自由、問責的政府,若說香港的民主示威者是「天真」,或稱他們是「受外部勢力控制的傀儡」,毋寧是種侮辱。


學苑文章:「有傘就有聚」是精神自瀆


稱和理非路線「空談理想愚不可及」「以武抗暴是唯一選擇」

香港大學學生會刊物《學苑》最新一期文章指「一國兩制已是無力回天」,港人要「奮起革命,否則將「淪為奴才」。文章又批評香港自八九學運後的民主運動是「大中華本位」,最終只會「淪為自我慰藉」。
《學苑》最新一期以「雨傘世代 自決未來」為封面主題,其中一篇文章題為「本土革命 誓守族群」。作者「梁辰央」指,「雨傘革命是香港民主化的關鍵一刻」,聲言「中共有意殲滅港人主體意識,一國兩制已是無力回天,港人如今無路可退,要不就負隅一戰,奮起革命,要不就屈從一統,淪為奴才」。
作者認為政府以暴力打壓運動,不回應訴求,「再理性的情況也終有失控的一日」,「當和平抗爭走到絕路,以武抗暴就是唯一選擇」。作者又批評,在佔領期間有人「空談理想,試圖以道德力量撼動匪賊」,是「愚不可及」,分析指「公民抗命流於理論,限制群眾的抗爭想像,自我約束抗爭力量」。
梁辰央在文中大力抨擊香港的傳統民主運動是「錯位抗爭」,「他朝必洗左膠頹風」。作者認為「八九學潮之後,六四騎劫香港民主運動,留下大中華思維的烙印」,但運動「焦點含糊,好高騖遠,以致民氣瓦解,淪為自我慰藉」。作者直斥運動後期的口號,如「有傘就有聚」、「We’ll be back」等為「精神自瀆,必須肅清」。


學苑副總編:戴麟趾得體回應批評 梁特相形見絀


「難怪有年青人懷念殖民時代」


香港大學學生會刊物《學苑》最新一期出版,刊出多篇文章反擊特首梁振英,並稱「有能力搞港獨的只有梁振英」。
《學苑》最新一期以「雨傘世代 自決未來」為封面主題,其中一篇文章由副總編輯陳雅明撰寫,題為「最後一代香港人」。
陳表示,魯迅曾言中國歷史可分為兩個時代,一是想做奴隸而不得的時代,二是暫時做穩了奴隸的時代。也就是說,一部幾千年的中國歷史都是奴隸歷史,中國人又只有當奴隸的份兒。「香港也有許多這樣的中國人,其中有做奴隸而做得樂極忘形的,忘了自己本來是人,就是萬劫不復的奴才。香港大半部歷史都是奴才史,香港的年青人不想再做奴才,因此吶喊命運自決,創造歷史。其實,香港年青人只是想做一個人,得到人應有的權利,卻被政權封殺得了無希望。行動的,被拘捕,連講話的,也被公開批鬥。沒想到世局崩壞如此,也萬萬想不到批鬥臨到《學苑》頭上。」
陳雅明批評,梁振英解決年青人問題的方法就是打壓年青人、趕走年青人,「當香港再也沒有年青人,就沒有年青人的問題了」。陳指出,1960年代末,《學苑》有文章批評港英政府,時任港督戴麟趾書面回覆當時編委。「戴麟趾對年輕人大度得體的回應,使回歸後的特首梁振英相形見絀,難怪有些年青人懷念殖民時代。」
陳表示,「現在左派媒體所謂《學苑》搞港獨,根本是偽命題。《學苑》只是校園媒體,頂多是政治論述、新聞報道,開拓思想領域,絕無行動,又怎樣搞港獨?……這些語言偽術其實十分拙劣,稍有邏輯分析能力就一攻即破,如此看來,部份香港人仍民智未啟」。陳表示,本來《香港民族論》或港獨議題的討論只限於極少數人,有些人甚至連想也不敢想,絕非主流議題。「將港獨擺上主流媒體頭條的人是梁振英,他正式打開了香港人的港獨想像……事實上,全港有能力搞港獨的恐怕只有梁振英。」
陳表示,時間站在年青人這邊,「年青人在,香港就不亡,年青人在,香港人就不滅,若年青人也退縮,香港也沒有下一代。命運自決,要做一個人,一個香港人,在中國來說是極難的、禁止的,可是,這就是雨傘世代的宿命,也非如此不可了!」


佔中糾察社工明自首



雨傘運動曲終人未散,有義務糾察及社工擬明日到警總自首,貫徹和平非暴力的公民抗命原則,盼以行動提醒市民勿忘初衷,誓爭立法會否決政改方案。其中一名自首者是退休紀律部隊成員,他感慨傘運期間深感「慈母」之兇狠,「我同佢哋好似永遠嘅敵人」。

約十名雨傘運動參與者明日下午二時,擬到灣仔警察總部集體自首,向警方表示懷疑自己曾參與未經批准集會,當中包括曾在佔領期間擔任義務糾察的數名退休人士以及多名註冊社工等,但暫未能有確實人數。

提醒政改之戰未完

他們均表示,自首並非為傘運劃上句號,而是有感近日民情降溫,公眾對警方近兩周的預約拘捕關注未算熱烈,盼以行動再一次提醒市民,政改之戰仍未休止。

五十五歲的張志輝是退休前任職紀律部隊,傘運期間在金鐘擔任義務糾察。他認為,後佔領時期政府的處理手法柔軟,「令件事好似軟着陸,好多人都好似淡忘咗」。
他憶起運動期間受到警方的對待,感慨良多。他有前線執法經驗,當時常提醒自己要有同理心,老在想辦法疏導對方情緒,「近期回望番嗰啲『慈母』,好大轉變,當位置對調,同佢哋四目交投時,同我當年嘅眼神係完全唔同……我唔敢話佢哋被洗腦,但觀念一定係唔同咗……我同佢哋好似變成永遠嘅敵人。」

指青年抗爭有幹勁

為全身投入佔領運動,前教師馮德華選擇了提早兩年退休,笑言最初對年輕人很多行為看不過眼,「覺得學生唔放老人家在眼內,冇禮貌,都好勞氣㗎」。但佔領區遇到的盡是積極的年輕人,叫他另眼相看,「可能佢哋真係得呢,佢哋又真係瞓身喎!」他說,雖然政府依然是鐵板一塊,但年輕人的幹勁令他感到有救,「唔會灰心,總比我哋當年好」。


同行的還有幾名年輕社工,社區發展陣線的陳宇翔說,有點擔心社工註冊局會因此吊銷其牌照,「但民主同民生係扣連,我做地區工作,覺得唔少基層都以為政治同自己距離好遠,希望可以慢慢改變呢種諗法,自首亦係其中一步」。




順時序記錄

22:00 旺角

市民自發鳩嗚團成行,正在沿彌敦道往南行,沿途警察監視,未有採取行動。












22:44 

慈母叫人上行人路。














23:30 


今晚見到美國隊長,精神飽滿。他提到,關於阻撓他人清拆路障,及以盾牌襲擊兩名男子兩項控罪,跟律師討論案件後,最終選擇認同案情,但不認罪,最後獲法院批准,自簽守行為1年。對此判決,美國隊長表示願意接受。今早剛判,即晚出動參與鳩嗚,幫助刺激消費,認真愛(旺)角愛港!




23:40. 

仲有好多人架!
















2015年1月29日 星期四

19個《鐵達尼號》蝦碌鏡頭




19個《鐵達尼號》蝦碌鏡頭





《鐵達尼號》是一套賺人熱淚的電影,更成為當時有史以來,投資最昂貴的電影。可是,只要你用心觀察的話,便會發現當中的蝦碌鏡頭,讓人哭笑不得。
破綻1:玻璃窗上反映出攝影機。

  


破綻2:場景的燈光入鏡了。


破綻3:被打破的玻璃瞬間生長。


破綻4:消失的吊帶。


破綻5:Rose一定是魔術師,竟然可以變出絲巾。


破綻6:我要不厭其煩地多說一次;「Rose一定是魔術師!」否則,她的痣為什麼會瞬間移動的呢?


破綻7:莫名其妙出現的枕頭。


破綻8:Rose正在砍Jack的手!!!
破綻9:路人甲瞬間變裝,勁!
破綻10:Jack拿著的,難道是神奇畫筆!?
破綻11:間格瞬間變窄。
破綻12:這位男士身上多了一件救生衣。
破綻13:自動彎曲的管子。
破綻14:一秒變紳士!
破綻15:起錨機原來是由發泡膠造的!!!
破綻16:這些救生艇怎麼沒有跟船一樣傾斜呢?
破綻17:甲板上的設施,突然消失掉!!!
破綻18:頭上戴的帽子比影子裡的還要小~


破綻19:威吔露出來了!!!

相片來源:movie mistakes











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POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 44 (28-01-2015)




Occupy Central


Occupy Central

Occupy Central is a civil disobedience movement which began in Hong Kong on September 28, 2014. It calls on thousands of protesters to block roads and paralyse Hong Kong's financial district if the Beijing and Hong Kong governments do not agree to implement universal suffrage for the chief executive election in 2017 and the Legislative Council elections in 2020 according to "international standards." The movement was initiated by Benny Tai Yiu-ting (戴耀廷), an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong, in January 2013.



Umbrella Movement



The Umbrella Movement (Chinese: 雨傘運動; pinyin: yǔsǎn yùndòng) is a loose political movement that was created spontaneously during the Hong Kong protests of 2014. Its name derives from the recognition of the umbrella as a symbol of defiance and resistance against the Hong Kong government, and the united grass-roots objection to the decision of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) of 31 August.

The movement consists of individuals numbering in the tens of thousands who participated in the protests that began on 28 September 2014, although Scholarism, the Hong Kong Federation of Students, Occupy Central with Love and Peace,  groups are principally driving the demands for the rescission of the NPCSC decision.


Occupy Central site in Causeway Bay was cleared as police moved in  ...

POST OCCUPY CENTRAL - DAY 44: 

Full coverage of the day’s events


Home


Squeeze put on Hong Kong press freedom

Beijing is openly interfering in city's media, says international organisation, and reporters have been subject to malicious persecution

News coverage of the Occupy movement and allegations of corruption against Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying and media tycoon Jimmy Lai Chee-ying exposed different degrees of self-censorship among media, says a spokeswoman for the International Federation of Journalists.
At the same time, the central government has been "more frequently and openly" interfering with press freedom in Hong Kong, according to the federation's seventh annual China Press Freedom Report released yesterday.
"There were very worrying signs that the interference with press freedom was more frequent and obvious last year, compared to the past," said Serenade Woo, the federation's Asia-Pacific representative.
"The news reports concerning the Occupy movement have provided particularly obvious evidence that the mainland has extended its control of the media to Hong Kong. This trend is expected to continue with political reform remaining the focus in the coming year."
During the 79-day Occupy protest, 39 reporters complained of being harassed, attacked, detained or maliciously accused by police and anti-Occupy protesters, the report said.
Some reporters received hundreds of harassing phone calls, and a few said they received calls from interviewees giving instructions on how to write up events.
Last year, the chief executive was accused of corruption over a HK$50 million payment from engineering firm UGL in 2011 as part of a deal to take over his old company DTZ. Lai, owner of Apple Daily, was accused of corruption when leaks revealed alleged payments to pro-democrat politicians. Woo said some media downplayed or even ignored the scandal embroiling Leung while playing up the Lai allegations, and vice versa.
"I guess the public get to see the vastly different treatments over these incidents and can feel for themselves whether there is self-censorship among local media," he added.
The report also noted that 20 journalists were detained, charged and in some cases jailed on the mainland last year.
In 2013, Beijing set up a security committee to "strengthen guidance" of public opinion; the federation said this committee worked with police and courts to suppress online comment.
The police "respect press freedom and fully understand the importance of facilitating the media in their reporting activities", a statement from police said last night. It also advised journalists to be vigilant of their own safety when positioning themselves between officers and radical protesters and added no violent acts would be tolerated.
Chinese University journalism professor Clement So York-kee said he had observed abuse of local reporters during the Occupy movement, adding that his department was working with the Journalists' Association on a survey about press freedom.

Occupy Central protests blamed for increase of cyberbullying in Hong Kong

Complaints to watchdog soared last year with police and their families among targets and most incidents said to be political in nature
Complaints to the privacy watchdog about cyberbullying soared last year amid the Occupy Central protests and heightened political tensions in the city.
Technology-related complaints rose from 93 in 2013 to 206 last year, with a fourfold increase in cyberbullying, the privacy commissioner for personal data revealed.
At least 28 out of 34 complaints of cyberbullying - a fivefold increase from 2013 - were either related to the Occupy movement or of a "political" nature. Some police officers and their families were targeted, as well as Occupy supporters.
"This is an alarming trend which has been exacerbated by … cyberbullying involving the two opposing camps of the Occupy Central movement," commissioner Allan Chiang Yam-wang said. "Some internet users' behaviour in this regard clearly amounted to blatant misuse of personal data and serious invasion of privacy. Such behaviour should be condemned."
Overall, the commissioner's office received 1,702 complaints last year - a slight drop from the 1,792 in 2013 - mostly over unapproved use of personal information and data collection.
In one case, a real estate agent disclosed the home address of Scholarism founder Joshua Wong Chi-fung - a prominent figure in the 79-day Occupy civil disobedience movement - prompting 18 complaints from the public. But as the student group leader later clarified this was not his real address, the office did not pursue the case.
Chiang said cases of cyberbullying did not always "fit squarely within the bounds of the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance".
"It may involve criminal intimidation, infringement of intellectual property rights and defamation … in [some] cases, you may need to approach police or make a civil claim," he said.
Most times, Chiang said, cases would close because complainants were not the actual victims of cyberbullying or there was simply a lack of evidence.
Complaints against banks and financial services still accounted for the bulk of all complaint cases last year followed by property management and telecoms companies.
Complaints over direct marketing calls dropped by half to 277 cases last year but were still flagged as a major issue.
The watchdog issued 20 warnings and 90 enforcement notices to organisations and 20 complaints were referred to police for criminal investigation. Just one conviction was made.
Chiang urged the government to implement section 33 of the ordinance, which would prevent personal data from being transferred across the border.

Occupy Central changed the way Hongkongers think, says artist

Birdy Chu's multimedia show, It's just the beginning, at the Goethe-Institut Hongkong, documents the democracy protests from different angles
They started something: works from Birdy Chu Shun's exhibition (above and below).
IT’S JUST THE BEGINNING
Goethe-Institut Hongkong

Birdy Chu Shun is no stranger to tear gas assaults. A former journalist, Chu witnessed the 2005 anti-WTO protests by South Korean farmers in Wan Chai and, seven years later, the anti-Japanese demonstrations in Shenzhen. Tear gas was used on both occasions. But nothing stunned Chu as much as what happened on September 28, 2014, the day that kick-started the umbrella movement.
"The fact that the police fired tear gas at the Occupy Central protesters changed everything. It incubated what happened in the following months," says Chu, a photojournalist, videographer, and media lecturer at HKU Space Centre for Degree Programmes. "It triggered people's anger, which has more to do with the shock of what the police did than any physical pain inflicted."
Chu has a knack for capturing arresting visuals of the city's socio-political scene. In 2013, he published a book titled I walk therefore I shoot: a record of Hong Kong demonstrations. This time, the result of his chronicling the civil disobedience sit-ins is a multimedia exhibition at the Arts Centre.
The month-long show is made up of photography, short films and multimedia installations. Instead of using a straightforward documentary approach, Chu — using his graphic design background — gives all his works an artistic twist to enhance interest and pique contemplation.
A video playing on a television is called Can you hear the students speak? For this, the video footage and audio recordings were made separately. The interviewees stare directly into the camera and maintain static expressions, but on the audio soundtrack they talk passionately about their yearnings for democracy.
One wall is lined with student portraits collected from 50 people from different walks of life — the number is an allusion to Central government's futile "50 years unchanged" promise — as a tribute to the virtual support offered by the viral social media campaign.
Another wall features an installation Chu created using art pieces and handicrafts donated by protesters. "I documented the whole movement from many angles, and interviewed occupants who had unique ways of participating in all three districts. All this is shown in my short film, which will be projected in the Black Box Studio. I've concluded that there are many other possibilities for Hong Kong," says Chu.
"Hong Kong people are too obedient. Who says Hong Kong has to be the way it has been? The way that the protesters occupied roads has been transformative — who would have thought you could ever take a stroll up a flyover? This is essentially a city redesign. It is a way of thinking that can be expanded to a much broader scope. Politicians may see it as a threat, but for the rest of us, it's a breakthrough in the way we think about things," Chu says.

CY Leung’s daughter Chai-yan ‘lays her heart bare’ in first television interview


Leung Chai-yan, the eldest daughter of Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, promises to tell all about her relationship with her father when the she makes her first television appearance tonight in the first instalment of a seven-part interview on Cable TV.
The 23-year-old will “lay her heart bare” according to a preview of the interview, which airs over seven nights on entertainment news programmeCEN.
That relationship has come under the spotlight in recent weeks as Chai-yan, a law student at the London School of Economics, admitted she had suffered from depression and was “pretty familiar with the insides of a London ambulance”.
“People say that a major cause of depression comes from introverted anger. That’s why people cut themselves, because it’s an expression of anger and pain,” she told HK Magazine.
Chai-yan made headlines last June when she posted photos on her Facebook page showing cuts to her wrist and asked: “Will I bleed to death?” Her photos and comments were widely covered in the media. The chief executive and his wife then flew to London to visit her.
Chai-yan gave her first television interview to Cable TV show CEN. Photo: SCMP Pictures
“If I could have a heart-to-heart with my parents, I would say that I want to feel loved. Not just be loved, but feel loved. There’s a difference,” she said.
Chai-yan told Chinese language magazine East Week that the incident in London was the first time she had ever hurt herself.
“That was when I was at the lowest point in my life. There were a lot of problems to deal with. I wanted to do something to attract my parents’ attention,” she said.
She also said the real her was “not that simple and innocent”, and was more of a rebel and self-willed.
She elaborates on that rebel persona in a media preview of the CENinterview released on Wednesday, when asked about the labels “material girl” and “Kong girl” given to her by the local press.
“I have many extravagant friends of ‘the rich second generation’,” she said. “When I was young, they would hold very extravagant birthday parties. But my father never let me join them.”
When host Natalie Mitchell asked about her relationship with parents, she said: “I sometimes squabble with them. Maybe I’m more westernised but they were very traditional. That’s why sometimes we held different opinions. Actually I’m very filial to them at the bottom of my heart.”
She added that she was a warm-hearted person, contrary to her cool reputation.

READ MORE: My dad is ‘the most competent man I’ve ever met’, says CY Leung’s daughter

Chai-yan caused a firestorm online last year after saying that the stabbing of a local newspaper editor was not an attack on press freedom and, in another case, bragging that she “used taxpayers’ money” to fund her shopping sprees.
And she caused ripples again last week when she described the beleaguered chief executive as “the most competent man she has ever met”.
Natalie Mitchell interviews Leung Chai-yan. Photo: SCMP Pictures
“I have never met any other man in my life that is as competent, as hard working and self-disciplined as my father,” she told East Week.
“But for me, his life is too structured,” she added. “I feel he is just like a robot.”
Chai-yan drew a media mob when she appeared in the audience at a fashion show in Wan Chai last Friday, a month after saying she had applied to work as a model when an agency asked if she was interested.



Pan-dems give reform rumor short shrift

Pan-democratic lawmakers have reacted coolly to speculation that the government is willing to make concessions in the 2022 chief executive election under the restrictive political reform framework set out by Beijing last August.

Civic Party lawmaker Alan Leong Kah-kit said: "I don't think such rumors warrant any serious response at all."

If there is good news, the central government should explain to Hongkongers in "clearly articulated terms," he said.

Leong was responding to reports of government sources saying they are exploring possible amendments to the chief executive election nomination system. That could include increasing the number of sectors and members to the nomination committee, and raising the cap on the number of candidates from three to four.

However, Democratic Party chairwoman Emily Lau Wai-hing said the news will not change her decision to veto the package when it is tabled in the Legislative Council by the end of this year.

"For them to tell us, or a government source to say, `Oh, why don't you swallow this package which is not universal suffrage and then further down the road maybe there's a chance of making improvement,"' Lau said.

"This is not Beijing's undertaking to us and we will not accept this. The officials have not come out with this."

She also criticized government officials for hiding behind sources.

"[Government officials] dare not even come out to make these statements and they have to hide behind sources. I think this is ridiculous."

Civic Party lawmaker Ronny Tong Ka-wah said the government is being "far too vague and far too general."

He added: "I think it would be far more comforting if the central government makes the necessary assurances to the people of Hong Kong."

City University public policy senior teaching fellow Cheung Chor- yung said the new proposals are not "attractive" enough for the pan- democrats to support Beijing. They are also "too vague," he said.

"In the end it is the central government who has the authority to do that, not the SAR government," Cheung said.


"So [Hong Kong government's] promises will not really be a guarantee there will be reform in 2022."



Civic man surprised by invite to liaison office reception 



Pan-democratic lawmaker Dennis Kwok Wing-hang received a surprise invitation to attend the central government liaison office's spring reception.

The Civic Party lawmaker said he had accepted the invitation and will draft a letter to the National People's Congress chairman Zhang Dejiang opposing the introduction of the mainland's national security laws in Hong Kong.

Kwok, who represents the legal sector in the legislature, is the only pan- democrat invited to the reception at the Hong Kong Convention and Exhibition Centre on Wednesday.

He said he will give the open letter to liaison office staff and ask them to pass it on to the director, Zhang Xiaoming.

"I believe that it will send a clear message [to Beijing] that the local legal sector and Hong Kong citizens will not accept the introduction of the national security law into Hong Kong," Kwok said. "Such a suggestion violates the Basic Law and the principle of `one country, two systems."'

NPC local deputy Stanley Ng Chau-pei sparked controversy last week by suggesting the mainland's national security laws should be applied to the city.

Association for Democracy and People's Livelihood lawmaker Frederick Fung Kin-kee said he had an invitation from the liaison office's Kowloon office to attend a different spring reception on February 27.

Fung said the office should instead invite all 70 lawmakers, including the 27 pan-democratic lawmakers, to the reception.

Kwok's party colleague, lawmaker Ronny Tong Ka-wah said he did not think the liaison office was trying to get Kwok's support by inviting him as thousands of people would be in attendance.


City University political analyst James Sung Lap- kung said it is clear Beijing is trying to get Kwok to support the political reform proposal since he represents the legal sector.







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